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More recently, on September 18, 2026, an ADC member named Mr Kamadiyoi was killed in Odua Local Government Area of Rivers State while preparing for a party meeting. In Isiokpo, Ikwerre LGA, three ADC members were arrested during a meeting on charges of cultism based on what police officers described as an "order from above." In Osun, Governor Ademola Adeleke has publicly alleged that police officers colluded with APC thugs to intimidate voters, with an officer nicknamed “London” deployed from Port Harcourt specifically to disrupt polling. All these while, a serving senator and an ally of President Tinubu, Senator Francis Fadahunsi, the APC senator representing Osun East, was featured in a video circulated in which he was reported to have instructed APC supporters to “kill” members of the rival Accord Party.
In Kaduna, suspected APC thugs attacked ADC supporters and vandalised vehicles on September 16, 2026. The Chairman of Kuje Area Council openly instructed residents to vacate the council area if they did not intend to vote for the APC. These are but few examples of what democracy has come to mean under President Tinubu and the APC.
Hannah Arendt, writing on the nature of totalitarian terror, observed that its essence is not merely the punishment of opposition, but the destruction of the very space in which opposition can exist. When citizens cannot gather without fear of arson; when candidates cannot campaign without fear of their supporters being attacked or killed; and when the police become the enforcement wing of a political party (as we recently saw in the attack on a political meeting in Delta State) the civic space in which democracy lives is extinguished. What the APC has engineered is not merely voter suppression; it is the systematic demolition of the public civic sphere itself. The terror is not an aberration; it is the logical terminus of a political party that can no longer win consent through ideological engagements and must therefore obtain consent through coercion.
Beyond all these forms of intimidation, the APC also understands that physical violence, while effective, is crude and cannot, on its own, be sufficient against a citizenry that is increasingly fed up. As boastful architects of anti-democratic subversion, they have also engaged in more sophisticated forms of intimidation against opposition political parties and figures through the machinery of the Nigerian bureaucracy. Guillermo O'Donnell, in his work on bureaucratic authoritarianism and what he called the "brown areas" of democracy, zones where the rule of law is suspended and state agents operate with impunity. The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, created to fight corruption, has been repurposed as a political police force. In August 2025, the EFCC detained former Sokoto Governor Aminu Tambuwal over allegations of a suspicious withdrawal of N189 billion, launched an "urgent" investigation into former Imo Governor Emeka Ihedioha's seven-month tenure, and began excavating files on Senator David Mark, who left office as Senate President in 2015, more than a decade ago. All three are chieftains of the ADC opposition coalition. Atiku Abubakar, the ADC presidential candidate, described the pattern as "a continuation of the Tinubu-led administration's agenda to harass, intimidate, and decimate the opposition." No one is saying that those in the opposition coalition should be immune to graft or any form of legitimate criminal investigation but when examined comparatively with politically exposed figures in the ruling APC, the selectivity is grotesque. Former Delta State Governor, Senator Ifeanyi Okowa was under EFCC investigation until he defected to the APC, at which point, in the ADC's words, "his files vanished like morning dew." Let's not talk about the dramatic sequence of the so-called Kogi White Lion and the EFCC chairman.