Sharper mind. Stronger life. Smarter business. Notes on mindset, psychology, motivation, tech & growth.

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Why did I say yes faster once he admitted the commission? Somebody tells me upfront that he gets paid if I pick option B, and something in my chest unclenches. He was honest with me. Now saying no feels like calling him a liar to his face. I had assumed the confession protects me. It works like a wet floor sign. I read it and walk straight across anyway. Sunita Sah, a physician turned researcher now at Cornell, tested this with dice in a 2013 study alongside George Loewenstein and Daylian Cain. An advisor earned more if people took the worse die. Without the disclosure, 42 percent followed his advice, and with it 76 percent did. In that dice study, trust didn't go up with the honesty. It dropped: people rated the advisor lower and still followed the advice more often, because turning him down now read as an accusation. Sah and her colleagues call it insinuation anxiety. A year ago I'd have told anyone that disclosure is the fix. An older study by Cain, Loewenstein and Don Moore found the other side of the table gets worse too: advisors who disclosed gave even more inflated guesses of how much money sat in a jar of coins, as if saying it out loud had bought them a permit. What helped, in another experiment from that 2013 study, was letting people decide in private, away from the advisor's face. I know that feeling from checking a restaurant bill properly only after the waiter walks away. Every app I pay for now opens with a little fee screen I tap straight through. I'm starting to think the screen mostly protects whoever wrote it. Next time I'll say thanks, take the paper home and read it at the kitchen table, where nobody is waiting for my answer.
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Phone drawer feels like a fix. Frequent users report more phone trouble. I've started leaving my phone in the kitchen drawer while I work, in with the dead batteries and takeout menus. The first hour always feels quieter. I had assumed that made me one of the healthy ones. Turns out I may have been reading my own drawer backwards. The paper is from Mariek Vanden Abeele's team at Ghent and Masaryk universities, out this summer in the Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication. Their first study pinged over a thousand adults six times a day for two weeks and asked whether they'd deliberately cut back. Track any one person, and the moments they put the phone away come with slightly less guilt and less pull. Line people up against each other, and it runs the other way, the same flip minutephysics walks through at 0:56. The heavier drawer users tend to be the ones the phone grips harder, and the authors suspect lower self-control under both. A cast on someone's arm doesn't mean casts break bones. I keep tripping on that. My drawer habit might be less a sign I'm good at this and more a sign of how hard it is for me. The authors put it as disconnection taking more effort for some people than others: same grocery bag, one person climbing a single flight, another climbing three. Every app and gadget sold as a phone lockbox has the same awkward math. Its most loyal buyers may be the people it helps least. The effects are small, they say so themselves, and none of it shows cause. I can't settle one thing: whether the drawer is fixing me or just measuring me.
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Was the four-day week ever about the day off? I've compressed weeks before. Same work packed into Monday through Thursday, Thursday ending at nine with dinner eaten over the keyboard, and Friday "off" in the sense that the laptop bag stayed zipped right next to the couch. Turns out that's not the version researchers tested. Wen Fan, Juliet Schor and colleagues followed 2,896 workers through trials with pay unchanged and published it in Nature Human Behaviour last year. One line in their abstract undid my version of it. The bigger gains tracked how many hours each person actually cut, not how much the company cut on paper. People cut about five hours a week on average, and less fatigue and fewer sleep problems came with it. Which is the annoying part. A company can print "4-day week" on its careers page while one person still crams a full week into four days, and that person gets less out of it. I had assumed the Friday off was the cure. It was only the packaging. The trial wasn't randomized. Companies opted in, most were small and in English-speaking countries, and the authors themselves asked for government-backed randomized trials. Newsweek still headlined it as a 4-day week being "actually better for your health," as if the label did the work. If you run a team, putting "four-day week" in a job ad costs nothing. The benefit is bigger where each person's hours actually drop. Fortune ran a piece two weeks ago saying work now spreads across six days, Sunday included. So I've stopped asking which day is off. On Friday morning I look at the bag by the couch and check whether I unzipped it.
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Think With Alex retweeted
What happens to a habit when the study behind it gets retracted? For years I've cut every big project into small deadlines I set for myself. They live on a sticky note at the bottom of my monitor, one line per Friday, like a chore chart on a fridge. Part of the reason was a 2002 paper by Dan Ariely and Klaus Wertenbroch. Self-imposed deadlines help, evenly spaced ones help more. I had assumed that part of my week was settled science. This September the journal retracted it, at Wertenbroch's own request. The data sleuths at Data Colada found that in one experiment, 18 of the 20 people in one group had a duplicate elsewhere in the data, down to identical proofreading scores. Ariely's own advice about the finding is now to believe it less. Turns out the habit didn't break. That's the annoying part. I looked at the sticky note after reading the notice and the Friday lines were still there, still working on me. The study was never holding the habit up. It was the receipt I kept in the drawer after I'd already bought the thing. What still stands is smaller. People really do choose to bind themselves early, and that part has held up. Whether evenly spaced deadlines make the work better is another matter, and a new replication in the same journal found no evidence that they do. Ulysses figured out the binding part long before any lab did. He had his crew tie him to the mast so he could hear the sirens without being able to sail toward them, and nobody ran a controlled trial on the rope. The sticky note is still on the monitor. This Friday's line says finish the draft, and I haven't decided yet whether I believe it.
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Mark Zuckerberg’s daughter told him she wanted to be like Taylor Swift. His answer: “You can’t. That’s not available to you.” He had taken August to a Swift concert. Afterwards, she told him she wanted to be like the singer when she grew up. Most parents would probably smile and encourage the dream. Zuckerberg gave her that answer instead. In the interview below, he tells the story himself. And his daughter’s response is the part worth hearing. August thought about it, then decided she wanted to grow up into someone other people would want to be like. Someone called August Chan Zuckerberg. Her father’s reaction: “Hell yeah.” Coming from Zuckerberg, that exchange is easy to admire and just as easy to question. There is ambition in wanting to become someone others look up to. There is also a lot of pressure in turning a child’s excitement after a concert into a conversation about becoming exceptional. She went to see her favorite singer. She came home talking about making her own name. Would you have answered your daughter the same way?
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everyone's judging a dad. he answered like a founder: copies don't win
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Why would a cloud company hand a customer up to 5 percent of itself? Akamai has been moving a big share of the internet's traffic since 1998, and most people have never heard of it. Last week it announced that Anthropic will spend $11.6 billion on Akamai's cloud over seven years. In the same announcement it gave Anthropic a warrant, the right to buy up to about 5 percent of Akamai later at a fixed price. We want to slow this one down, because the headline number and the money Akamai actually collects are two different things. Akamai expects nothing from the contract this year and reaches around $1.7 billion a year only from 2028, at full speed. For a company that brought in about $4.2 billion in 2025, that is a long wait. Akamai spends first. About $5.5 billion goes into new capacity through 2028, roughly 47 cents of every contract dollar, mostly out the door before the big payments arrive. Now the 5 percent. A warrant pays off only if the stock rises above its set price, and Akamai set that price at $111.33, about where the stock traded before the news. For comparison, when AMD gave OpenAI a similar right in October 2025, the price was one cent a share, which is close to handing over the stock outright. Most of the 5 percent also depends on Anthropic committing more money. 40 percent unlocks at the first payment, and each extra $3 billion unlocks another slice. The stock jumped 22 percent after hours on the news. Six days later it closed at $106.35, under the warrant's own price. We read the 5 percent as a bet Akamai is making on itself, paid for with Anthropic's future spending. So far the stock sits below the warrant price, and exercising the 5 percent today would pay nothing. We think most people are watching the wrong hardware. What Anthropic is buying is ordinary CPUs on Akamai's distributed network, the unglamorous capacity AI agents burn through, rather than the GPU clusters that get the headlines. We expect people who can price, run and sell that kind of capacity to stay scarce for years. That window has a date on it. Akamai's own plan has this contract at full speed in 2028, and by then the CPU side of AI is either a real market or a $5.5 billion build-out with one big tenant.
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7 years is forever in AI, this contract won't last

ALT Say Word Wow GIF by Justin

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What happens to a habit when the study behind it gets retracted? For years I've cut every big project into small deadlines I set for myself. They live on a sticky note at the bottom of my monitor, one line per Friday, like a chore chart on a fridge. Part of the reason was a 2002 paper by Dan Ariely and Klaus Wertenbroch. Self-imposed deadlines help, evenly spaced ones help more. I had assumed that part of my week was settled science. This September the journal retracted it, at Wertenbroch's own request. The data sleuths at Data Colada found that in one experiment, 18 of the 20 people in one group had a duplicate elsewhere in the data, down to identical proofreading scores. Ariely's own advice about the finding is now to believe it less. Turns out the habit didn't break. That's the annoying part. I looked at the sticky note after reading the notice and the Friday lines were still there, still working on me. The study was never holding the habit up. It was the receipt I kept in the drawer after I'd already bought the thing. What still stands is smaller. People really do choose to bind themselves early, and that part has held up. Whether evenly spaced deadlines make the work better is another matter, and a new replication in the same journal found no evidence that they do. Ulysses figured out the binding part long before any lab did. He had his crew tie him to the mast so he could hear the sirens without being able to sail toward them, and nobody ran a controlled trial on the rope. The sticky note is still on the monitor. This Friday's line says finish the draft, and I haven't decided yet whether I believe it.
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I'd keep the deadlines and check whether they improve the work or just make Friday feel urgent
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that's the test I keep dodging. urgent and better feel identical on a Friday
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The hedge fund manager who taught Michael Burry to pick stocks accidentally destroyed the mutual fund industry in a free Talks at Google lecture on the two-line formula that turned $10,000 into $8.3 million. His fund charged 2 and 20. He gave the strategy away in a $12 book. Almost no one paying a financial advisor 1 percent of their retirement has finished the lecture. His name is Joel Greenblatt. He founded Gotham Capital in 1985 and compounded roughly 40 percent a year for twenty consecutive years. He returned all outside capital in 1994 because his edge was too crowded to scale. He has been teaching value investing at Columbia Business School every year since 1996. Michael Burry - the doctor who shorted the housing bubble in "The Big Short" - learned to pick stocks from Greenblatt's 1997 book. The 55-minute clip in this video is Greenblatt at Google in 2017 walking a room of engineers through his Magic Formula. The whole framework fits on one napkin. Rank every stock in the S&P 500 by return on invested capital, highest first. Then rank every stock by earnings yield, highest first. Sum the two rankings. Buy the top twenty. Hold for one year. Sell. Repeat. That single formula would have beaten the S&P 500 by roughly 14 percent a year over the last three decades if any retail investor had actually followed it. "Cheap and good beats expensive and average. Every time." That is Joel Greenblatt at Google in 2017. He has repeated the sentence in every public talk since. Almost no retail investor buying Nvidia at $140 has heard it. Every hedge fund on Wall Street pays $500,000-a-year analysts to backtest more sophisticated versions of the same equation. Every financial advisor in America charges you 1 percent of your account per year to underperform it. The Talks at Google video is free on YouTube. "The Little Book That Beats the Market" is twelve dollars on Amazon. Almost none of the millions who watched have ever run the two-line formula on their own portfolio. The framework is free. The willingness to actually run it before your next stock pick, retirement rebalance, or brokerage transfer is the entire edge.
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simple rules beat smart people mostly because smart people won't follow them
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Grit predicts your average day. It doesn't save your worst one. I had assumed my bad days were a character problem. The mornings I rewrite one two-line email for half an hour, I'd file that under weakness. Turns out a sharp day and a foggy one are worth measurably different amounts of time. In one study, a day when your thinking ran sharper or duller than your own average was worth about 30 to 40 minutes of work toward your goals, gained or lost. Best day against worst came to about 80 minutes. An hour and twenty minutes, handed to you or taken away before you've even sat down. Those numbers come from Daniel Wilson and Cendri Hutcherson at the University of Toronto, in Science Advances this February. University students did short thinking tests every day for 12 weeks and logged sleep and mood alongside their goals. Grit and self-control still predicted how people did on average. They didn't protect anyone from an off day. Which is the annoying part. What moved the day was duller stuff, like sleeping better than usual and simply how early it was. Sharpness slid as the day went on, the way a phone reads full at breakfast and blinks red by dinner no matter which model you bought. The 4-minute Sci Show clip in the first comment covers the clock side of this: 1:15 the brain's clock runs on light, and thinking peaks in late morning 1:56 the built-in dip between 2 and 3 p.m., plus the case for naps 2:49 what happens when your schedule ignores it Hutcherson's warning on overwork stuck with me: a day or two of pushing is fine, but grind too long without breaks and you pay for it later. So I think I've had the order wrong. I schedule my hardest work by how disciplined I feel, which is how I end up at 4 p.m. with cold coffee next to a blank doc, blaming character for what the clock and last night's sleep already decided. The sample is students doing short tests, and it's correlational. Sleep going along with sharp days doesn't prove it causes them. What I can't settle is the direction. Maybe I sleep well because yesterday went well, and if that's true, those 80 minutes aren't something I can schedule at all.
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Think With Alex retweeted
Can a habit go backwards while you're still doing it? I had assumed habit formation ran one direction. You repeat something, it gets easier, eventually you stop deciding. That was the model I'd been running on for years and I never once checked it. Turns out some habits run the other way. A reanalysis published in Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin in April 2026 went back over six months of data from 254 people. Every month those people had rated how automatic their own behavior felt, and the team tested ten things that might explain why automaticity rises or falls. Burgler, Milyavskaya, McMillan, Burns, Lally and Gardner, if you want to go find it. They then grouped people by how their automaticity moved over the six months. Two paths came out instead of one. Some people's behavior was getting more automatic. Some people's was getting less automatic, while they kept doing the thing. Six of the ten explanations came out significant. Wanting to do it rather than having to. Feeling energized. Feeling pleased. How hard it felt, which pushed automaticity down instead of up. How often you did it. And whether it happened in the same place at the same time. Four of those six are about how it feels while you're in it. One is frequency. One is context, and context is the one I'd been ignoring for a decade. I used the word discipline to explain why one of my habits kept sliding while the others held. Going by this data the real difference was probably that the sliding one had no fixed place in my week. Which is the annoying part, because that's a calendar problem and I spent years treating it as a moral one. Discipline isn't on the list of six at all. I think that's because discipline was never a driver. It's the bill you pay when the drivers have gone missing. The gap is obvious once you see it. Every habit app counts streaks, which is frequency, the one driver everybody already measures. Nothing tracks whether your context is still holding. That's a product. What I can't tell you is how many people ended up on the downward path. The paper's behind a paywall and the abstract doesn't give the split. So I'm reading a shape, not a size. I moved that habit to a fixed slot in August. Too early to say. But I've stopped calling it character.
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Can a habit go backwards while you're still doing it? I had assumed habit formation ran one direction. You repeat something, it gets easier, eventually you stop deciding. That was the model I'd been running on for years and I never once checked it. Turns out some habits run the other way. A reanalysis published in Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin in April 2026 went back over six months of data from 254 people. Every month those people had rated how automatic their own behavior felt, and the team tested ten things that might explain why automaticity rises or falls. Burgler, Milyavskaya, McMillan, Burns, Lally and Gardner, if you want to go find it. They then grouped people by how their automaticity moved over the six months. Two paths came out instead of one. Some people's behavior was getting more automatic. Some people's was getting less automatic, while they kept doing the thing. Six of the ten explanations came out significant. Wanting to do it rather than having to. Feeling energized. Feeling pleased. How hard it felt, which pushed automaticity down instead of up. How often you did it. And whether it happened in the same place at the same time. Four of those six are about how it feels while you're in it. One is frequency. One is context, and context is the one I'd been ignoring for a decade. I used the word discipline to explain why one of my habits kept sliding while the others held. Going by this data the real difference was probably that the sliding one had no fixed place in my week. Which is the annoying part, because that's a calendar problem and I spent years treating it as a moral one. Discipline isn't on the list of six at all. I think that's because discipline was never a driver. It's the bill you pay when the drivers have gone missing. The gap is obvious once you see it. Every habit app counts streaks, which is frequency, the one driver everybody already measures. Nothing tracks whether your context is still holding. That's a product. What I can't tell you is how many people ended up on the downward path. The paper's behind a paywall and the abstract doesn't give the split. So I'm reading a shape, not a size. I moved that habit to a fixed slot in August. Too early to say. But I've stopped calling it character.
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i spent years calling a calendar problem a character problem
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My search for meaning was burnout, not the cure for it. I used to think the question was a good sign. "What is the point of any of this" felt like proof I hadn't gone numb, that I was still asking instead of just clocking in. It shows up on a Thursday night. It always shows up on a Thursday night. Never on the mornings when the work is going fine. There's a study I keep going back to. Sumner and two colleagues, Journal of Health Psychology, out this July. They followed frontline workers in Britain and Ireland across four measurements over three years, 1,239 people at the start and 286 by the end. They split meaning into two separate things: having it, and looking for it. Having it predicted lower burnout on all three measures. Looking for it predicted higher burnout on all three. And the part that rearranged something for me: the looking hurt exhaustion whether or not you found anything. Only the cynicism depended on the outcome. Search and come up empty and your head files the result as "there's nothing here." Search and find something and you're still tired, because the searching costs what it costs. So the evening I spent rewriting my career on a notepad wasn't recovery. It was a second shift. I had been treating an exhaustion signal like a philosophy question, because "I don't know what any of this is for" sounds better than "I'm empty and embarrassed to say so." What I started doing instead is stupid and it works. When the question arrives, I don't answer it. I write down the time, how much I slept, and when I last ate. Three lines. A week of that and the pattern is obvious. It doesn't come when the work is bad. It comes when I'm empty. I'm not sure this generalizes. That sample was 87% women and mostly healthcare, measured from March 2020 onward, and it's correlational, so the arrow might run entirely the other way. Maybe burning out is what starts the searching. If that's the direction, the notepad still works, because the question is a reading on the tank either way, not on the job. What I still haven't worked out is what to do with the question on the nights I'm not tired and it turns up anyway.
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You stall on easy work because nobody will keep the result. I called it discipline for about ten years. It's not discipline. It's my head pricing the job before I start it, and the price goes up when the output is going to disappear. The pattern is narrow and I can name it. I stall on tasks I'm completely capable of doing, and they're never the hard ones. A summary nobody will open. The draft written to be replaced. Calls that end with no note. Yilin Liu and Fan Yang published something in July in Psychological Science that describes the mechanism better than I can. Four experiments, 582 adults and 604 children between four and nine. The adults got two options. Build a figure, which takes effort, or tip the pieces into a bin, which takes none. When the finished build was put in a box and kept, 83% chose the effortful one. When it was taken apart in front of them, 34% did. Same task, same room. The only thing that changed was what happened to the result afterward. What got me is the size of the threshold. It isn't meaning or impact. It's a box. The thing gets set aside intact instead of pulled apart, and that's enough. Liu said what surprised her most was how little significance turned out to be necessary. They tried the obvious fix too. One condition emphasized that the task would be fun, and it only partly closed the gap. Making work more enjoyable doesn't repair work whose output gets erased. And the effect shows up at four years old, which kills my favorite explanation. I'd assumed this was something offices did to me in my thirties. Yes, this sits next to the IKEA effect, where you overvalue what you assembled yourself. It's not the same thing. In a second experiment, people who built the figure gave up a sticker to keep it, and people who only watched someone else build took the free option and let it be dismantled. The value isn't in owning it. It's in having made it, and then needing it to still exist. The authors name their own limit in the paper, and that limit is the entire modern problem. Every task used physical objects. Nobody tested the digital version. Almost everything I produce is a file, and a file is dismantled by default. No box. No shelf. Nothing that says this stayed. What I've started doing is small and probably not enough. One result a week gets a permanent form, printed or saved somewhere I never clean out. A box, basically. It also changed how I read a job offer. What it pays is one question. What survives it is a separate question, and I suspect the second one bills you later, in the things you can no longer start. One thing I can't settle. Does a public file count as a box, or will this only work with something my hands can pick up?
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Maybe the box isn’t physical. It’s just knowing your work won’t vanish the second you’re done with it.
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maybe. a physical thing hands you that knowing for free, a file doesn't
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Replying to @AlexMindNotes
This landed. I kept calling it discipline too, then realised I only stall on the stuff that gets overwritten the same day — notes no one opens, drafts that get replaced, calls with nothing written down after. The box vs bin thing is almost too simple, but it explains why “make it more fun” never worked for those tasks. Started printing one thing a week and putting it in a drawer I don’t empty. Doesn’t fix the whole problem, but the resistance dropped. Still not sure if a public file counts as a box though.
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resistance dropping is the tell. that's the pricing changing, not the willpower
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four-year-olds are the part that got me. i wanted this to be a work problem and it isn't
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I sent workslop last week. Work that looks finished and isn't. Didn't know there was already a word for it. Turns out it's official now. Stanford's Social Media Lab and BetterUp asked 1,150 full-time US desk workers in September 2025 whether they'd gotten something that looked finished but wasn't. Just in the past month, 40% said yes. Workslop: work that's polished enough to pass a glance and hollow enough to fail a read. A deck, a summary, a page of code, shaped like finished output with none of the actual thinking inside it. I didn't feel like I was cutting a corner when I sent mine. The formatting was clean. The tone was confident. My brain marked it "done" the moment it looked done, not when anyone checked whether it held up. That's the mechanism, not laziness. For most of my life, looking finished and being finished cost roughly the same effort, so my brain never had to tell them apart. AI split that link in half. Polish got cheap. Checking stayed expensive. My instincts haven't caught up to the gap yet. Somebody pays for that gap. Two hours, on average, is what it takes the other person to untangle one of these once it lands in their inbox. 53% of people who received it called it annoying. Almost half started rating the sender as less reliable and less creative. I was that sender, more than once, and had no idea. I'm not cutting AI out. I'm trying to catch the exact second my brain says done, and ask whether it means done or just looks done. Those used to be the same feeling. Not anymore.
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