One of the most famous stories about Lachit Borphukan may not appear in the documented Ahom history. Generations in Assam have grown up hearing the story of Lachit punishing his own uncle for failing in his duty — reportedly declaring that his uncle was not dearer to him than his motherland. But historian and author Arup Kumar Dutta points out a fascinating complication: The episode is not recorded in the Ahom Buranjis. Does that mean it never happened? Not necessarily. Historical memory does not survive only through official chronicles. Stories can also survive through oral traditions, collective memory and generations of retelling. And even written records have their limitations. The Ahom chronicles were largely centred on the king and events connected to the royal court. So when written records are silent but collective memory survives, how should historians treat the story? As fact? Myth? Or something more complicated in between? Watch the full conversation from the Argumentative Indians archive on: youtube.com/@argumentativein… #LachitBorphukan #AhomHistory #AssamHistory #AhomKingdom #IndianHistory

What does the RSS look like from the inside and from the outside? 'Saffron Shadows: The RSS — A Century of Influence', edited by Leher Sethi (@LeherSethi) , brings together contributors with very different views of the organisation, its history, ideology and influence on India. We spoke to some of the contributors about the RSS at 100 and why its legacy continues to provoke both support and criticism. #RSS #Hindutva @azad_nishant @nallathu @TusharG @madhuparna_N

Was Atal Bihari Vajpayee really the “moderate” face of the BJP? Vajpayee’s legacy is often presented through the image of a statesman: a powerful orator, coalition-builder and politician who believed in Parliament, democratic institutions and consensus. But his political journey was far more complicated. In this conversation, Sagarika Ghose, author of Atal Bihari Vajpayee: India’s Most Loved Prime Minister, examines the contrast between Vajpayee in opposition and Vajpayee in government. His politics during the Ram Janmabhoomi movement and his controversial speech shortly before the demolition of the Babri Masjid sit alongside his later approach as Prime Minister — coalition-building, engagement on Kashmir and attempts to reach across political and communal divides. So which Vajpayee was the real Vajpayee? Ghose argues that both were. Was he a moderate at heart, a hardliner when politically necessary — or a politician defined by both? Watch Sagarika Ghose discuss Vajpayee, Hindutva, the RSS, Ayodhya, the Babri Masjid and the contradictions of the Vajpayee era from the Argumentative Indians archive on: youtube.com/@argumentativein… #AtalBihariVajpayee #BJP #RSS #Hindutva #IndianPolitics #IndianHistory

Did Indians always think of themselves as belonging to one nation? We often project the idea of modern Indian nationalism backwards onto India’s past. Historian William Dalrymple argues that this can obscure how people actually understood identity and political allegiance in the 18th century. There was certainly a geographical and, for many Hindus, sacred conception of India — connected by pilgrimage, culture and geography. But that did not necessarily mean allegiance to an Indian nation-state in the modern sense. As the Mughal Empire fragmented, identities could be deeply rooted in a city, region, ruler, community or religious geography. And this raises a fascinating question: If a modern idea of Indian nationalism did not yet exist, why did so many Indians serve the East India Company? So, did the idea of India exist before modern Indian nationalism? Watch William Dalrymple’s full conversation on: youtube.com/@argumentativein… #IndianHistory #IndianNationalism #History #WilliamDalrymple #EastIndiaCompany

“When I said that, I thought I had the country with me.” Gandhi had famously opposed the Partition of India. But by 1947, as communal violence intensified and political support for Partition grew, he was confronting the limits of his influence. Historian Dr Suchitra Mahajan examines Gandhi’s decision to move away from Delhi and travel through Noakhali and Bihar, attempting to address Hindu-Muslim violence at the ground level. For Gandhi, restoring communal harmony in individual villages was not merely local work — it was an attempt to demonstrate that reconciliation was still possible in a country being torn apart by Partition. But towards the end, Mahajan argues, Gandhi was increasingly confronting a difficult reality: India was moving in a direction he could no longer persuade it to abandon. So, did Gandhi fail to stop Partition — or had India stopped listening to Gandhi? Watch the full conversation on: youtube.com/@argumentativein… #Gandhi #GandhiJayanti #Partition #IndianHistory #History

Did Lachit Borphukan really defeat the Mughals 17 times? The story of Lachit Borphukan is one of the most celebrated chapters of Assam’s history. But how much of the popular narrative matches the historical record? Historian and author Arup Kumar Dutta challenges the often-repeated claim that Lachit personally defeated 17 Mughal invasions. The conflicts between the Ahom kingdom and the Mughals unfolded over a much longer period, involving multiple rulers, commanders and battles. Figures such as Atan Buragohain also played important roles, while the wider resistance to Mughal expansion involved more than a single commander. Lachit’s place in history is inseparable from the campaign to recover Guwahati and the Battle of Saraighat in 1671 — but the fuller story of Ahom resistance is far more complex. So where did the “17 invasions” narrative come from, and what does the historical record actually tell us? Watch the full conversation: youtube.com/@argumentativein… #LachitBorphukan #AhomKingdom #AhomHistory #AssamHistory #IndianHistory

India’s voter may be changing in a fundamental way. For decades, elections were often seen as contests where a significant number of “floating voters” made up their minds in the final days of a campaign. But according to psephologist and CSDS veteran Sanjay Kumar, that may be changing. He argues that Indian voters are becoming more firmly attached to political parties, with more people knowing which party they are likely to support well before polling day. If fewer voters are undecided at the end of a campaign, elections may increasingly be about mobilising committed supporters rather than persuading undecided ones. So are Indian elections becoming less about changing minds — and more about turning existing loyalties into votes? Watch the full conversation: youtu.be/-M65D5fkI7Q?si=7aEU… @Shwkothari #IndianVoters #IndianElections #Democracy #IndianPolitics #Elections

One Nation, One Election: convenient for whom? Simultaneous elections are often discussed through the questions of cost, administration and electoral efficiency. But former Chief Election Commissioner S.Y. Quraishi asks us to look at another question: What happens to Indian federalism when Lok Sabha and state elections are held together? Would national and state-level issues receive equal attention? Could simultaneous elections influence how voters make their choices? And if an elected state government falls before its term is complete, should the electoral cycle of other states also be affected? Quraishi’s concerns form part of the wider debate around simultaneous elections and their implications for federalism and voter choice. Is One Nation, One Election primarily an administrative reform — or does it change the relationship between the Centre, the states and the voter? Watch the full conversation on: youtube.com/@argumentativein… #OneNationOneElection #IndianDemocracy #Federalism #Elections

“Indian voters are not sheep.” What does India’s electoral history tell us about the people who actually decide its governments? Political scientist James Manor examines India’s long history of anti-incumbency and argues that Indian voters cannot simply be understood as passive followers. His argument goes beyond elections themselves — into the relationship between voters, political parties, state governments and an increasingly powerful Centre. If governments can be challenged at the ballot box, what does that tell us about the agency of the Indian electorate? And what happens to that agency when political power becomes increasingly centralised? An Argumentative Indians conversation with James Manor. Watch the full conversation on: youtube.com/@argumentativein… @Yajur_Trader #IndianPolitics #IndianVoters #Democracy #Elections

47 lakh names excluded from Delhi’s draft electoral roll. Is it “vote chori” — or due diligence? What does the data actually tell us about voter-roll deletions? Watch the full conversation on: youtu.be/-M65D5fkI7Q?si=RWaq…. @Shwkothari #SIR #IndianElections #Democracy

Does the idea of a Hindu Rashtra risk excluding nearly 20% of India’s population? Shweta Kothari put that question to Shantanu Gupta during the launch of Leher Sethi’s book Saffron Shadows, as we debated Hindutva, the RSS and its relationship with the BJP. His response: understanding the RSS is far more complex than its politics, even as he describes the RSS and BJP as connected by an “umbilical cord”. #RSS #BJP #Hindutva #HinduRashtra

“Show me where I misquoted it. I’ll apologise on Twitter.” AAP MP Sanjay Singh (@SanjayAzadSln) pushed back after Shantanu Gupta accused him of misquoting the RSS-linked Organiser during the launch of Leher Sethi’s (@LeherSethi) Saffron Shadows. Singh challenged the allegation of misquoting and reiterated his argument over the RSS’s history with the national flag, including his claim that the Tricolour was not hoisted at the RSS headquarters for decades. The exchange points to a larger debate over the RSS’s historical record, the national flag and how that history is interpreted today. #SanjaySingh #RSS #NationalFlag #LeherSethi #AAP #BJP

Why does religious rhetoric provoke anger, while unemployment, paper leaks, failing schools and struggling hospitals often don’t? At the launch of Leher Sethi’s (@LeherSethi) The RSS: Saffron Shadows, AAP MP Sanjay Singh (@SanjayAzadSln) questions what fuels public anger and argues that no country can move forward on a foundation of hatred. Watch the full clip here: youtu.be/j-5EPhcg3tY?si=8Who…

“Jana Gana Mana… an item of entertainment?” At the launch of Leher Sethi’s (@LeherSethi) book, The RSS: Saffron Shadows, AAP MP Sanjay Singh (@SanjayAzadSln) cited a December 1949 article in Organiser, a publication associated with the RSS, while questioning the organisation’s historical position on India’s national anthem. Reading from the issue, Singh quoted a passage referring to Jana Gana Mana as an “item of entertainment” at parties of government officials. Watch Sanjay Singh make his argument here; youtu.be/j-5EPhcg3tY?si=z9nu… @AamAadmiParty @Shwkothari