“When the British abolished slavery, they compensated the slave owners with 20 million pounds in 1834,” notes @miaamormottley, prime minister of Barbados, as part of her case for reparations. “We have borne double jeopardy,” Mottley says, “blood, sweat, and tears to create the Industrial Revolution, and . . . now to be its victims on the front line of a climate crisis.” Watch her conversation at CFR with former U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations @LindaT_G: cfr.org/event/a-conversation…

The Security Council, the United Nations’ principal crisis-management body, meets regularly to assess threats such as international security, natural disasters, and terrorism. Its 5 permanent members—the United States, China, France, Russia, and the United Kingdom—each have veto power. The veto gives them each the power to block any substantive resolution or decision that threatens their national interests, security, or foreign policy objectives. In response to these threats, the Security Council can impose sanctions, establish peacekeeping missions, and, in certain instances, authorize the use of force. Permanent members of the council have exercised their veto power to varying degrees. Russia has been the most frequent user of the veto—counting the years when the Soviet Union held its seat—blocking 162 resolutions since the Security Council’s founding, as of August 2026. The U.S. has used the veto 95 times, often to protect Israel from Security Council decisions. China has vetoed fewer resolutions, but has done so more frequently in recent years; Russia joined China in more than three-quarters of those votes. By contrast, neither France nor the UK has exercised its veto power since 1989, and each has advocated for other permanent members to use it less. Members’ competing interests have often stymied the Security Council’s ability to respond to major conflicts and crises, including Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine. Russia’s vetoes of Security Council action on Ukraine have spurred calls to kick Russia out as a permanent member of the global body. The UN human rights chief from 2014 to 2018, Zeid Ra’ad al-Hussein, repeatedly criticized the outsize power of the veto-wielding member states, warning that without institutional change the United Nations could collapse. Critics also argue the threat of a veto alone can prevent action, allowing permanent members to shape Security Council outcomes even when no vetoes are cast. Read more about the UN Security Council and how it works: cfr.org/backgrounders/un-sec…

President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi discusses Somaliland's bid for international recognition and the regional security landscape in a conversation at CFR. nitter.net/i/broadcasts/1yxBePQle…

“If you look at Africa today, I think the biggest constraint or hindrance to have is lack of adequate access to electricity,” says @TonyOElumelu, leading investor and philanthropist. “If we don’t deal with the issue of electricity on the continent,” he says, “there’s a limit to how far we can go in achieving our transformational objectives for the continent.”

NEW from me in @CFR_org: How the United States can reach an AI Arms Control Deal with China A U.S.-China AI safety deal is unlikely today, and history shows why. Every U.S.-Soviet arms control deal that constrained a strategic capability was reached either at rough strategic parity or after one side concluded it could not win. The one major Cold War deal that locked in a significant U.S. advantage, the 1987 INF Treaty, came only after Gorbachev recognized the Soviet Union could no longer keep pace. The United States leads in AI, but China still thinks it can catch up. So if Washington wants a deal without surrendering its lead, it must convince Beijing that it cannot overtake the United States. Alongside engaging in dialogue on AI risks, that means taking two steps to create the conditions for successful negotiations down the road: 1️⃣ Widen the U.S. lead by closing the export control loopholes China exploits to access most of its AI compute. 2️⃣ Demonstrate what we expect of China in any agreement by imposing targeted safety rules on U.S. frontier AI development. This approach mitigates near-term AI risks, preserves U.S. AI leadership, increases U.S. leverage in negotiations, and maximizes the odds of a U.S.-China AI safety agreement over the long-term.

🎧 @JulianGewirtz and Bonny Lin joined me to discuss why Xi Jinping is in Washington DC, for the first time in a decade, why Trump welcomed Xi at the airport, and whether the summit is likely to produce any significant diplomatic breakthroughs. piped.video/kvtpAbWdalc?si=y9FP…

Foreign Secretary Roberto Velasco discusses the country’s foreign policy priorities, including the future of U.S.-Mexico relations, trade and economic integration in North America, migration and regional security, and Mexico’s engagement with Latin America and other international partners in a conversation with CFR Senior Vice President of Studies @shannonkoneil. nitter.net/i/broadcasts/1nxnRBZyX…

“It’s not based on persecution. . . . It’s based on prejudice of race,” says South Africa’s Minister of International Relations and Cooperation, @RonaldLamola, in reference to the Trump administration’s Afrikaner resettlement program.

“I have a country to run and a region to take care of,” says Prime Minister of Barbados @miaamormottley, after being asked why she chose not to be a candidate for UN secretary-general. Mottley cites her obligations to her home country and region, and notes that she’s “not sure that the world wants somebody whose tongue is as heavy as mine.” Watch her conversation at CFR with former U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations @LindaT_G: cfr.org/event/a-conversation…

“The story of white genocide does not exist,” says South Africa’s Minister of International Relations and Cooperation, @RonaldLamola, referring to claims that Afrikaners face genocide in his country.