You are right that the Gulf must take greater responsibility for its own security. But an important part of that transformation is already taking shape in Riyadh.
Saudi Arabia has signed a collective-defence agreement with Pakistan and Türkiye; expanded naval construction and technology cooperation with Spain; secured South Korean air-defence systems and joint defence research; and developed military-industrial partnerships with France and Italy.
Its cooperation also extends to Britain, Greece, China, India and Egypt, while new defence agreements with Malaysia, Slovakia and Somalia further broaden its options.
These relationships differ in scope. Some concern mutual defence, others weapons production, training, technology or operational cooperation. Their significance lies not in counting flags, but in diversifying the capabilities, knowledge and partnerships available to the Kingdom.
And while strengthening deterrence, Riyadh continues engaging Tehran diplomatically.
The essential distinction is between dependence and partnership.
Strategic autonomy does not mean having no allies. It means possessing enough capabilities and alternatives that no single ally holds the key to your security.
The Gulf must take ownership of its future. But ownership is built through strength, cooperation and freedom of choice, not isolation.
The Gulf states need to recognise that their long-term security cannot rest on American protection while the region remains trapped in an endless cycle of confrontation.
Washington may be a security partner, but it is not the one that has to live with the consequences of a regional war. Geography is unforgiving, and no amount of American military presence can insulate the Gulf from the fallout of a conflict with Iran.
The Arab world needs to draw a clear line against Israeli hegemony and tell Washington that the region cannot continue to be a theatre for wars driven by external strategic calculations. The security of the Middle East cannot be built on perpetual confrontation, nor can regional stability depend indefinitely on American military power.
The way forward lies in regional cooperation, dialogue and a security framework that takes into account the interests and legitimate concerns of the countries that actually share this neighbourhood.
The Gulf states have both the agency and the collective weight to push for such an order. The question is whether they are prepared to exercise it, rather than continue outsourcing their security to Washington and hoping that the next war will spare them.