Ludwig von Mises published Theory and History in 1957, during the high-water mark of postwar Keynesian consensus. Every major Western government was running deficits, central banks were expanding credit, and academic economics had mostly abandoned the idea that objective laws govern human action. Mises wrote this book as a direct assault on that intellectual rot. Mises separates the sciences sharply: praxeology studies the logic of human action and produces universal, apodictic truths; history records the specific outcomes of human choices under particular conditions. You cannot run them together without destroying both. When Keynesian economists cherry-pick historical episodes to "prove" that deficit spending produces growth, they commit exactly this error. They dress up correlation as law and then use it to justify looting you through inflation. The book attacks historicism specifically, the doctrine that history itself generates laws of social development. Marx built his entire system on this mistake. The German Historical School did the same thing a generation earlier. Mises shows that no amount of historical data can substitute for economic theory, because data never interprets itself. Someone brings a theoretical framework to the evidence. The framework determines whether the interpretation is coherent or a post-hoc rationalization for state power. Theory and History never became the popular landmark that Human Action did, but it did the essential philosophical groundwork that Human Action required. Without it, free market economic reasoning sits on a foundation critics can chip away at by pointing to historical counterexamples. Mises forced a line in the sand: either you accept that economic law is prior to historical data, or you hand technocrats the tools to rewrite reality whenever the numbers embarrass them.

The Masterpiece. Ludwig von Mises published Human Action in 1949, twenty years after fleeing the socialist catastrophe consuming Europe. He wrote it first in German in 1940, finishing the manuscript while escaping Nazi-occupied Austria. By 1949, Keynesian economists controlled every major university and government treasury in the Western world. Mises had no institutional support, no tenured chair in America, and no government grants. The book's core argument destroys the pretense of central planning at its foundation. All economic value is subjective, meaning prices emerge from individual human choices, not from labor inputs or government decrees. Central planners cannot replicate the price system because prices require private property and voluntary exchange to generate real information. Strip those away and planners fly blind, misallocating capital on a massive scale. Mises called this the socialist calculation problem, and no Keynesian has ever answered it satisfactorily. The interventionist state corrupts economic coordination through every price control, subsidy, and money-printing scheme. These tools distort the signal system that coordinates millions of independent decisions. You pay for this directly: inflation confiscates your savings, price ceilings create shortages, and subsidies redirect capital away from your actual needs toward politically connected industries. Mises built his method on praxeology, the formal study of human action under scarcity. Economics derives from the logic of choice, not from statistical regression. This gave free market thinkers a bedrock that empiricist critics cannot simply vote away. Human Action still cuts deep because the Federal Reserve has printed over $9 trillion since 2008 and the consequences Mises predicted, asset bubbles, mal-investment, and monetary chaos, arrived exactly on schedule. The book does not age because human nature does not change.

- 1913: "The income tax will only hit the top 1%." - 1935: "Social security numbers will never be used for identification." - 1971: "The gold suspension is temporary." - 2001: "These surveillance powers are only for terrorists." - 2020: "Two weeks to slow the spread." - 2026: "CBDCs will never be used to control spending." - You: "I'm noticing a pattern." - Government: "There's no pattern." - You: "That's what the pattern would say."

Ludwig von Mises wrote Bureaucracy in 1944, while living as a refugee in New York after fleeing Nazi Austria. He had watched the Austrian state expand relentlessly through the 1920s and 1930s, and he understood exactly where that expansion led. The book arrived during a period when Western governments were consolidating wartime control and showing little appetite to release it. Mises draws a clean line between profit management and bureaucratic management. A private firm lives or dies by whether its revenue covers its costs. A government bureau has no such constraint. Nobody fires the Department of Motor Vehicles for making you wait two hours. Bureaus survive through political appropriation, not customer satisfaction, so they optimize for political survival instead of delivering value to you. An insurmountable problem is built into the incentive structure of every bureau by design. Without profit-and-loss signals, managers cannot calculate whether they are creating or destroying value. Instead, they respond to procedural compliance, headcount growth, and budget preservation. Mises identified this as the logical outcome of removing the price system from resource allocation. The book's central lesson is that you cannot transplant bureaucratic methods into commercial enterprise without destroying it. Every regulation imposed on private business forces it to operate partly by bureaucratic logic rather than market logic. Enough regulations, and the business sector becomes an extension of the state apparatus, answerable to officials rather than consumers. The book's legacy is immense and largely unacknowledged. Public choice economists like James Buchanan built entire research programs on closely related insights, publishing formal models of bureaucratic self-interest starting in the 1960s. "Bureaucracy" gave that tradition its moral backbone. Mises indicted an entire intellectual class that kept demanding more of it.

This is the Deputy Chief of Staff of The WH. Many Americans can’t afford gas, a full cart of food & farmers are going bankrupt but these elites are partying like 1929. “Let Them Eat Cake” 2026 Edition. They should study how this went for M. Antoinette.

We need every doctor that is now seeing how badly they were lied to about the mRNA poisons to join this letter. There’s no longer any excuse for supporting these poisons and many brilliant people were lied to.

Spoke to a boy of 12. His first grade was essentially cancelled and replaced by Zoom, even gym classes. His second grade was marked entirely by compliance: forced masking, distancing, plexiglass, making all language lessons useless. His third grade was routinely interrupted by class quarantines and disease paranoia. By then, nearly everyone was academically behind, trust in authority shattered, and organic social networks only starting to form in halting ways as parent groups were wrecked by woke and trans political arguments. This is the childhood he experienced, along with millions of others, an entire generation. Smart parents have figured it out: they have to secede from the system to save their kids. Even if they use the schools, they no longer trust and do most real education on nights and weekends.

The coolest thing about this campaign is seeing doctors I've never connected with coming forward to put their names on the letter. We now have over 1700 signatories... please keep sharing!

Think we're freaking out over nothing? Every traditional vaccine is eventually going to be replaced by mRNA. Here's where things stand just with Moderna. By keeping mRNA on the market, FDA has proven it does not care about safety. I am therefore telling my patients not to get ANY vaccines - FDA has lost all credibility.

Men who build tools to rob us all of privacy and hand the government tools to strip our liberty deserve public shaming and ridicule.

WHAT????

Ludwig von Mises published Socialism: An Economic and Sociological Analysis in German in 1922, one year before hyperinflation destroyed the German mark and reduced Weimar Republic savings to ash. He was not theorizing in a vacuum. Soviet central planning had just launched, socialist parties controlled legislatures across Europe, and most intellectuals treated collective ownership as inevitable progress. Mises built the book around one lethal argument: socialism cannot calculate. Without private property in the means of production, there are no real prices for capital goods. Without real prices, planners have no rational way to allocate resources. They guess, they waste, they destroy. This is a mathematical problem, not a political preference. Billions of production decisions require price signals generated by genuine market exchange, and a planning committee in Moscow or Vienna cannot manufacture those signals by decree. The problem is the planning apparatus itself: the bureaucrat has coercive power over resources he cannot possibly value correctly. Mises walked through labor, capital allocation, the family, and democratic politics, showing how socialist logic corrodes each institution. Economists like Oskar Lange pushed back in the 1930s, claiming market socialism could simulate prices. That project failed in every country that tried it. The Soviet Union collapsed in 1991 after seven decades of misallocation. Venezuela, the wealthiest country in South America at the time, nationalized its oil sector in the 2000s, and they started eating zoo animals soon after. The book's legacy is underappreciated: it handed free market thinkers a complete refutation of socialism before the Soviet experiment had even fully launched, decades before the evidence arrived in the form of mass starvation and gulags. Most people who defend central planning have never read Mises. That ignorance costs you because the policy consequences hit your paycheck, your savings, and your options.

Ludwig von Mises published The Theory of Money and Credit in 1912, eleven years before the hyperinflation that destroyed the German mark and wiped out an entire generation of European savings. He was 31 years old. He wrote it while working as an economist at the Vienna Chamber of Commerce, watching governments across Europe begin their love affair with central banking and paper money. The book's core argument is simple: Credit expansion by banks does not create real wealth; it distorts the structure of production by sending false price signals to entrepreneurs. Businesses invest in projects that only appear profitable because artificially low interest rates make the math work. When rates normalize, those investments collapse. Mises called this the business cycle, and he traced its origin directly to central bank manipulation. Every recession you have lived through follows this exact pattern. Central banks are to blame for the boom/bust cycle: specifically, the Federal Reserve, the ECB, the Bank of England. These institutions inject credit that no saver voluntarily produced, and they do it to fund government spending and protect politically connected banks from the consequences of their own bad bets. Einstein published his special theory of relativity in 1905. Mises published Theory of Money and Credit seven years later. Both men identified a mechanism invisible to everyone around them and built a predictive framework from first principles that their contemporaries largely dismissed. The Fed has expanded its balance sheet from roughly $900 billion in 2008 to over $7 trillion by 2026. Mises wrote the autopsy before the patient was even sick. The book has been sitting there for more than 100 years, but interventionists choose to ignore it.

A well-known adage states that if one lets politicians break the law in an emergency, they will create a permanent state of emergency in order to continue breaking the law. As of July 2025, ninety national emergencies have been declared in the United States; forty-two have expired and another fifty-one are currently in effect, each having been renewed annually by the president.

Eugen von Böhm-Bawerk published Capital and Interest in 1884 and The Positive Theory of Capital in 1889, and together these books destroyed the intellectual case for socialist and Marxist exploitation theory before Marx's followers even finished celebrating. Böhm-Bawerk wrote in Vienna during the height of the Marxist surge across Europe. Governments were already drifting toward interventionism, and intellectuals were handing them the theoretical ammunition to justify it. Böhm-Bawerk fired back with precision. His central contribution was the time preference theory of interest. Interest compensates the saver for forgoing consumption today and investing that saved value into a longer production process. This creates more output tomorrow. Interest is a natural price, not exploitation or a racket run by owners against workers. His critique of Marx in his 1896 essay Karl Marx and the Close of His System is surgical. Marx's labor theory of value collapses internally because goods of equal labor hours trade at unequal prices depending on how capital-intensive their production is. Marx knew this and shuffled the problem into Volume III, hoping readers would not notice. Böhm-Bawerk noticed, and he published the contradiction for anyone willing to read. The legacy is concrete. Ludwig von Mises built his business cycle theory on Böhm-Bawerk's capital structure framework. Murray Rothbard extended it. Every serious critique of central bank manipulation of interest rates traces back to this foundation: artificially low rates distort the time structure of production, generate malinvestment, and guarantee a crash. The central bank sets interest rates by decree rather than letting voluntary saving and time preference set them. Böhm-Bawerk gave us the tools to see exactly why that intervention destroys real capital formation. If central bankers would accept this truth, the world would be a far wealthier place.

People arguing about who's going to "win" the midterms are hilarious. Both sides are owned by the same bankster mafia that wants you enslaved or dead. There is no "winning."

Carl Menger published On the Origins of Money in 1892, and it remains arguably the most devastating refutation of the statist theory of money ever written. Menger worked in Vienna during the late 19th century, when the German Historical School dominated European economics. That school rejected universal economic laws and insisted governments shape institutions deliberately. Menger spent his career dismantling that claim. His 1871 "Principles of Economics" launched the marginalist revolution, and his 1892 essay finished the job on monetary theory specifically. The core argument is simple and brutal: nobody invented money. No king decreed it, no parliament voted it into existence. Individual traders, acting on self-interest, gradually converged on the most saleable commodity available to them. Gold and silver won because they are durable, divisible, portable, and scarce. This process happened spontaneously, across cultures, without central coordination. Menger called the most saleable good the most "liquid" commodity, and traced how liquidity differences between goods naturally selected winners over centuries of voluntary exchange. Menger exposes the state's foundational lie: that money derives its validity from government authority. Every central bank, every fiat currency regime, every IMF directive operates on that lie. The Federal Reserve, which prints dollars with no commodity anchor and has destroyed roughly 97% of the dollar's 1913 purchasing power, exists entirely because the state captured and corrupted a spontaneous market institution. Menger's legacy is the intellectual ammunition to say clearly that central banks are parasites on a system they did not build and cannot improve. The market created money, then Governments hijacked it.

We have not seen the full fallout of these dangerous modified synthetic mRNA shots. An estimated 50 million American children have received at least one.

Tom Renz...“We Incentivized MURDERING Patients in Hospitals.” “If you go to the hospital & you get a positive COVID test, the hospital gets more money.” “If you get put on Remdesivir & a Ventilator, the hospital gets more money.”