WE SAY NO to Kings written by Kio Amachree SKJ Records 2025 (Verse 1) We say no to Kings, we say no to would-be Caesars We say no to Kings, we say no to third-rate convicted grifters How can a man with a permanent suntan think he should be sitting on a throne? Stick a fish bone down his throat, do him a favor, put him out of his misery (Chorus) We say no to Kings, we say no to would-be Caesars We say no to Kings, we say no to third-rate convicted grifters Democracy is sacred, as is the constitution Democracy is our birthright — we say no to Kings (Verse 2) A third-class fat slob, incompetent, wants to wear the crown of America He was too scared to fight for his country, but when it comes to corruption and money He enriches himself and his crime family — we see him for what he is (Chorus) We say no to Kings, we say no to would-be Caesars We say no to Kings, we say no to third-rate convicted grifters Democracy is sacred, as is the constitution Democracy is our birthright — we say no to Kings (Bridge) No six-time bankrupt, Hitler-loving slob will sit upon that throne He’s out of his mind and so are his enablers We say hell no to Kings, we say hell no to would-be Caesars We say freedom for our children’s children — the rule of law forever (Chorus — full) We say no to Kings, we say no to would-be Caesars We say no to Kings, we say no to third-rate convicted grifters Democracy is sacred, as is the constitution Democracy is our birthright — we say no to Kings (Outro) We say hell no to Kings — freedom and law forever. #Hashtags #Democracy #RuleOfLaw #NoToKings #Freedom #SayNo

Sleeping in Paris written by Kio Amachree SKJ Records 2026 Making millions from narcotics trafficking Kills thousands upon thousands of people. It is evil, the work of the devil, And anyone involved cannot be absolved Just because they are the president of a nation. The CIA does away with puppets It no longer deems worth keeping. So if you’re sleeping in Paris tonight, Nightmares will give you a fright— Because sleeping in Paris is still just as dangerous As sleeping in Langley, Virginia.

LONG WALK ON THE WILD SIDE written by Kio Amachree SKJ Records 2026 Verse 1 Black white faces, positive embraces Suicide pact made in heaven Starlight gaze, a teenage phase We thought we'd live forever Gone crazy, running through the night Two lost souls beneath the city light No looking back, no place to hide Taking a long walk on the wild side of life Chorus Gone crazy, crashing out Is without a doubt Taking a long walk on the wild side of life No tomorrow, no goodbyes Just the stars inside our eyes Taking a long walk on the wild side of life Verse 2 Black white faces in forbidden places Young hearts beating out of time Positive embraces, different races Your hand was holding mine They said we'd never make it through But I didn't give a damn when I was with you We crossed that line, we rolled the dice Taking a long walk on the wild side of life Chorus Gone crazy, crashing out Is without a doubt Taking a long walk on the wild side of life No tomorrow, no goodbyes Just the stars inside our eyes Taking a long walk on the wild side of life Bridge Starlight gaze, teenage phase Running wild through a purple haze Heaven above and hell below Two young fools with nowhere to go Black and white, wrong and right Didn't mean a thing that night We wanted love, we wanted life We wanted everything tonight Final Chorus Gone crazy, crashing out Is without a doubt Taking a long walk on the wild side of life Positive embraces, black white faces Love don't care about names or races Starlight burning in our eyes Taking a long walk on the wild side of life Outro Black white faces Positive embraces Starlight gaze Those teenage days Gone crazy... Gone wild... Taking a long, long walk On the wild side of life. I can also turn this into a rawer Bowie/Lou Reed-style glam-rock structure while keeping it distinctly yours.

open.spotify.com/track/7gWPd… Kio Amachree Music is on Spotify !

TINUBU MUST GO — RELEASE THE FILES I am not willing to sit back and accept the fact that Nigeria is being led by a President I believe was involved in the white-heroin trade that devastated poor Black communities in South Chicago and beyond. Federal research recorded heroin-related deaths in Chicago rising from 148 in 1990 to 332 in 1993. That is a citywide figure, not a count for South Chicago alone, and it does not prove Tinubu caused those deaths. But it shows the human cost of the heroin epidemic. The Nigerian people deserve to know what the FBI and DEA files say about Tinubu’s alleged connection to that trade. Tinubu needs to resign immediately or be impeached. He is damaging Nigeria’s image so badly that, if we do nothing, the office of President will be tarnished as a drug baron’s route to social acceptance. The Americans need to find themselves another puppet or asset—take your pick. This man has blown his cover. His refusal to attend the UN General Assembly, and his rigorous fight to keep the FBI and DEA files sealed, tell everyone who can read that he has something terrible to hide. A US court record says Tinubu was a subject of a criminal investigation; that is not a conviction, but the Nigerian people have every right to demand the files and the truth. And now, while he is in Paris, there are reports of a further $8 billion going to Chagoury-linked interests, taking the total to about $20 billion in projects, according to claims raised by the opposition. These include the Lagos–Calabar highway, reported at about $11 billion, and the Lagos port renovation, reported at roughly $700 million. Tinubu is selling Nigeria to the highest bidder as if Bola Tinubu were our landlord and not a public servant. We, the people, pay for that office. Chagoury was convicted in Geneva in a money-laundering case linked to Abacha-era funds. In the United States, he paid $1.8 million to resolve allegations involving political donations made through straw donors. I also demand answers to the allegations about Chagoury’s dealings, including claims concerning Hezbollah financing and US elections. These are serious matters; Nigerians deserve evidence and answers, not silence. I do not believe Tinubu’s claimed age of 74; I say he is closer to 90. I also believe his education and biography raise serious questions. He went to school, but I believe there are unanswered questions about the name he used and why he no longer uses it. I believe the college certificate presented as his is bogus, and that the document—with the remarks and a Virginia woman’s Social Security number written on it—needs a proper explanation. I believe Deloitte confirmed that he never worked there and was unknown to them. The list of questions is long, and the Nigerian people have been dragged into a scandal they had no part in creating. Anyone associated with this man or enabling his corruption and deceit deserves to be held accountable. He is bad news for his handlers in Langley, Virginia, and hiding in Paris with his convicted money-laundering friend Chagoury is not going to help him. I will no longer recognise this man as President of Nigeria. Tinubu must go immediately! #TinubuMustGo #ReleaseTheFiles #NigeriaDeservesAnswers #Accountability #RuleOfLaw #LettersFromStockholm

OPEN LETTER TO PRESIDENT BOLA AHMED TINUBU YOU CANNOT TREAT NIGERIA AS YOUR PRIVATE ESTATE AND GOVERN IT FROM FRANCE Mr President, Enough. Nigeria is a sovereign constitutional republic of more than 200 million people. It is not your private estate, it is not a family company, and it is not an enterprise that you can administer indefinitely from a hotel, residence or office in Paris. You sought the Presidency. You took the oath of office. You swore to preserve, protect and defend the Constitution. Then return to Nigeria and do the job. If you are unwilling or unable to do so, tell Nigerians why. And if you cannot properly discharge the responsibilities of President, then follow the constitutional course and relinquish the office. What Nigerians should not be expected to accept is government by unexplained absence. Your failure to personally attend the United Nations General Assembly while remaining in Europe is, in my view, a national embarrassment. Nigeria is one of Africa’s largest countries and an important member of the international community. Its President should not repeatedly leave Nigerians wondering why their head of state is absent from one of the world’s most important diplomatic gatherings. And there is an enormous question hanging over this absence. Why will you not go to the United States? I am not going to state as fact that you would be arrested if you entered America, because that has not been established. But Nigerians are entitled to ask the question. Your American history has been the subject of litigation, court records, forfeiture proceedings and continuing demands for the release of American government records. These controversies are not inventions that can simply be wished away. If there is no threat of arrest, say so. If there is no legal impediment to your entering the United States, say so. If the narcotics allegations surrounding your past are false or misleading, then stop fighting transparency and support the fullest lawful disclosure of the relevant American records. Let the documents speak. You cannot demand that Nigerians believe you while simultaneously expecting them not to ask questions about records concerning the man occupying their highest public office. That is not accountability. That is arrogance. And arrogance is becoming one of the defining characteristics of this administration. There are also continuing questions about your identity, educational history, employment history and other aspects of the biography presented to Nigerians. Again, the answer is not intimidation. It is documentation. Publish the records. Answer the questions. Allow independent scrutiny. A President confident in his history should have nothing to fear from documentary evidence. Then there is your health. Nigerians hear rumours. They see prolonged foreign trips. They hear speculation about serious illness, including cancer. I do not claim that you have cancer because I have seen no reliable evidence establishing that. But Nigerians are entitled to know whether their President is medically capable of performing the extraordinary responsibilities of his office. You are not an ordinary private citizen. Your health can affect national security, government continuity, financial markets and the functioning of the Nigerian state. Give Nigerians credible reassurance about your capacity to govern. Stop allowing secrecy to create rumours. AND STOP USING THE POWER OF THE STATE AGAINST DISSENT The police, security services and intelligence agencies are not the private enforcement arm of the Presidency. They belong to Nigeria. Political opponents are not enemies of the state. Journalists are not enemies of the state. Protesters are not enemies of the state. Citizens insulting a President are not enemies of the state. Anyone detained solely for lawful political expression should be released, and every person accused of an actual criminal offence should receive the due process guaranteed by law. You once presented yourself as a defender of democracy against dictatorship. What happened to that man? A politician who once condemned repression cannot arrive at the Presidency and suddenly discover that repression becomes acceptable when he controls the security services. That is precisely how democracies decay. AND THEN THERE IS PARIS While Nigerians are asking why their President remains abroad, enormous transactions involving Nigeria continue to be announced. The Presidency announced your presence in Paris in connection with agreements concerning the Gateway Deep Seaport and Blue Marine Special Economic Zone, projects described as involving more than $7 billion. Seven billion dollars is not pocket money. Nigerians have every right to demand to know who benefits, who owns what, who competed, who negotiated, what guarantees Nigeria has provided, what concessions have been granted and what liabilities future generations may inherit. And that brings me to Gilbert Chagoury. The closeness of powerful businessmen to political power demands more scrutiny, not less. Every major federal contract involving companies associated with Chagoury or any other individual enjoying extraordinary access to your administration should therefore withstand complete public examination. Publish the procurement records. Publish the competitive tender information where applicable. Publish the beneficial ownership information. Publish the concession terms. Publish the government’s financial commitments. Publish enough information for Nigerians to follow the money. If everything is legitimate, transparency protects everybody involved. But Nigeria cannot continue operating a system in which politically connected businessmen appear repeatedly around enormous public projects while citizens are simply instructed to trust the government. Trust is earned. YOU ARE A PUBLIC SERVANT This is the fundamental point that your administration appears increasingly to have forgotten. You work for Nigerians. Nigerians do not work for you. The Presidential Villa belongs to Nigeria. The aircraft you travel in belong to Nigeria. The security surrounding you is paid for by Nigerians. Your ministers are public servants. Your security agencies are public institutions. And every naira committed by your government ultimately belongs to the Nigerian people. You therefore have no divine right to silence criticism, conceal matters of legitimate public interest or conduct the Presidency as though constitutional accountability were an inconvenience. Nigeria has already endured military dictators. It does not need an elected President gradually acquiring the habits of one. Do not mistake Nigerians’ patience for surrender. Do not mistake constitutional authority for personal ownership. And do not mistake criticism for treason. Return to Nigeria and govern under the Constitution. Tell Nigerians why you remained in France. Tell Nigerians why you did not personally attend the United Nations General Assembly. Tell Nigerians whether anything prevents you from freely entering the United States. Support lawful disclosure of the American records that have produced years of controversy. Provide credible information establishing your capacity to discharge the duties of office. Stop any misuse of security institutions against lawful political dissent. Open the multibillion-dollar contracts of your administration to meaningful public scrutiny. And understand one final thing: Nigeria is not Tinubu Incorporated. You are President because the Constitution gives that office authority. The Constitution is therefore above you. The law is above you. And the Nigerian people are the ultimate source of the authority you temporarily exercise. No President owns Nigeria. No businessman owns Nigeria. No political party owns Nigeria. Nigeria belongs to Nigerians. If you can fulfil the responsibilities you swore to undertake, then return home and fulfil them. If you cannot, then Nigeria has constitutional mechanisms for somebody else to do so. But governing a sovereign African nation as though it were a private corporation that can be administered indefinitely from France while Nigerians are expected to remain silent is unacceptable. Mr President, come home, answer the questions and govern within the Constitution — or make way for constitutional government to continue without you. Sincerely, Kio Amachree President, Worldview International Stockholm, Sweden

25 September 2026 The Comptroller-General Nigeria Immigration Service Service Headquarters Umaru Musa Yar’Adua Expressway Sauka, Abuja Federal Capital Territory Nigeria PETITION AND FORMAL DEMAND FOR THE INVESTIGATION OF THE PURPORTED NIGERIAN CITIZENSHIP, PASSPORT ENTITLEMENT, IMMIGRATION STATUS AND RIGHT TO WORK OF MR GILBERT CHAGOURY AND MR RONALD CHAGOURY Dear Comptroller-General, I write as a Nigerian citizen and in the public interest to require the Nigeria Immigration Service to investigate, determine and formally clarify the legal basis upon which Mr Gilbert Chagoury and Mr Ronald Chagoury claim Nigerian citizenship, hold or use Nigerian passports, enter and reside in Nigeria, and participate in the management of businesses operating within the Federation. This petition is made pursuant to: * sections 25–32 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999, as amended; * the Immigration Act 2015, particularly its provisions governing passports, determination of nationality, entry for business purposes, residence permits and employment of foreign nationals; * the Immigration Regulations 2017; * sections 1, 2 and 4 of the Freedom of Information Act 2011; * sections 16 and 24 of the Public Procurement Act 2007; and * the general constitutional obligations imposed upon every public authority by sections 1(1), 1(3), 14(2)(b) and 15(5) of the Constitution. I. Constitutional question concerning citizenship by birth Section 25 of the Constitution exhaustively defines the persons entitled to Nigerian citizenship by birth. Under section 25(1)(a), a person born in Nigeria before independence qualifies only where either a parent or grandparent belonged, or belongs, to a community indigenous to Nigeria. Section 25(1)(b) applies to a person born in Nigeria after independence only where either a parent or grandparent is a citizen of Nigeria. Section 25(2) further provides that “the date of independence” means 1 October 1960. Accordingly, birth within Nigerian territory is not, standing alone, conclusive proof of Nigerian citizenship. Nigeria does not operate an unrestricted constitutional principle of jus soli. Being born in Lagos to foreign parents does not automatically establish citizenship by birth. It is publicly understood that Gilbert and Ronald Chagoury were born in Nigeria to Lebanese parents. If that understanding is correct, the Nigeria Immigration Service must identify the particular limb of section 25 under which either man claims citizenship by birth and the documentary evidence supporting that claim. If neither man qualifies under section 25, the Service must determine whether citizenship was subsequently obtained by registration under section 26 or by naturalisation under section 27. II. Citizenship by registration or naturalisation Section 26 governs citizenship by registration. Its categories are limited and must be strictly proved. Section 27 governs citizenship by naturalisation and requires, among other matters, that the applicant: * be of full age and capacity; * be a person of good character; * have shown a clear intention to be domiciled in Nigeria; * be acceptable to the local community in which he is to live permanently; * have made, or be capable of making, a useful contribution to the advancement, progress and well-being of Nigeria; * have taken the prescribed oath of allegiance; and * have satisfied the constitutionally prescribed residence requirements. The Service must therefore establish whether a valid certificate of registration or naturalisation exists in respect of either Gilbert or Ronald Chagoury; the date and issuing authority of each certificate; the supporting application; the recommendation upon which it was issued; and evidence that all constitutional conditions were satisfied. A Nigerian passport cannot create citizenship where none existed. A passport is evidence of nationality; it is not a lawful substitute for the constitutional process by which nationality is acquired. III. Effect of foreign citizenship under section 28 Section 28(1) of the Constitution provides that a person who is not a Nigerian citizen by birth forfeits Nigerian citizenship if he acquires or retains the citizenship or nationality of another country of which he is not a citizen by birth. The public record has associated the Chagoury brothers with Lebanese, British and Saint Lucian nationality. The legal position cannot be determined merely by listing the passports they may hold. It requires the Service and the Ministry of Interior to determine: 1. which foreign nationalities each man presently holds; 2. which, if any, were possessed by birth; 3. which were acquired after birth; 4. whether either man claims Nigerian citizenship by birth, registration or naturalisation; 5. whether section 28(1) was triggered by the acquisition or retention of any nationality not held by birth; and 6. whether any purported Nigerian citizenship has consequently been forfeited by operation of the Constitution. I do not invite the Service to presume the answer. I demand that it ascertain the facts, apply section 28 faithfully and place the legal basis of its conclusion on record. IV. Passport entitlement and possible irregularities The Immigration Act 2015 governs the issuance and control of Nigerian passports. The current requirements published by the Nigeria Immigration Service recognise distinct documentary foundations for passport applicants who are citizens by birth, registration or naturalisation. A registered citizen must establish that status through the appropriate certificate, while a naturalised citizen must produce a Presidential Certificate of Naturalisation. (immigration.gov.ng⁠) The Service must therefore audit every Nigerian passport issued to Gilbert and Ronald Chagoury and identify: * the category of citizenship asserted in each application; * the birth, registration or naturalisation documents tendered; * the dates and places of application and issuance; * the officials who examined and approved the applications; * the National Identification Number and other records relied upon; * every renewal, replacement or reissue; * every foreign nationality declared or omitted; and * whether any false declaration, material concealment or administrative irregularity occurred. Where any passport was obtained without constitutional entitlement, through a material misrepresentation, or upon documents that were invalid, the Service must invoke its lawful powers, afford the affected person due process, and withdraw, cancel or impound the document as permitted by law. Where the evidence discloses possible forgery, false declaration, conspiracy, official misconduct or corruption, the matter should be referred immediately to the Nigeria Police Force, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission, and the Attorney-General of the Federation. V. Immigration, residence and employment consequences Part V of the Immigration Act 2015 regulates the entry, residence and employment of foreign nationals. Sections 36–39 address entry for business purposes, residence permits, employment of immigrants, and the revocation or variation of permits. The Nigeria Immigration Service itself confirms that sections 37, 38 and 39 govern residence, employment and revocation of residence permits, while regulations 11–14 of the Immigration Regulations 2017 govern residence documentation for foreigners. It further states that CERPAC constitutes evidence of lawful residence and identity for foreigners residing or working in Nigeria. (immigration.gov.ng⁠) Accordingly, should either Gilbert or Ronald Chagoury fail to establish Nigerian citizenship, he must henceforth be treated in law as a foreign national. He must not enter Nigeria upon a Nigerian passport or exercise any privilege reserved for citizens. Depending upon the purpose of each visit, the individual concerned must obtain the appropriate visa. A tourist or visitor visa cannot lawfully be used as a substitute for authorisation to work, manage a business or take employment. Where either man resides or works in Nigeria, the responsible companies must establish: * a valid business permit, where applicable; * an approved expatriate-quota position; * the appropriate entry visa; * a valid residence or employment permit; * current CERPAC documentation; and * compliance with every condition imposed by the Immigration Act and Immigration Regulations. The Ministry of Interior identifies section 36(1) of the Immigration Act 2015 and the applicable provisions of the Immigration Regulations as the legal foundation for business permits and expatriate-quota positions. (interior.tetryte.com⁠) If these requirements have not been satisfied, the Service must take the enforcement action authorised by law. Any order affecting entry, residence, employment, passport use or removal must be made through due process and on the basis of verified evidence. VI. Public contracts and national-security implications Companies associated with the Chagoury family have reportedly benefited from extraordinarily valuable Nigerian public contracts, concessions and strategic infrastructure projects. Serious public questions have arisen concerning the extent to which such contracts were awarded through open, transparent and competitive processes. Section 16 of the Public Procurement Act 2007 establishes the fundamental principles governing public procurement, including transparency, competition, economy, efficiency, fairness and accountability. Section 24 establishes open competitive bidding as the governing procurement method, subject only to lawful exceptions. The Nigeria Immigration Service is not the principal procurement regulator. Nevertheless, the nationality, passport entitlement, residence status and authority to work of persons exercising substantial control over companies benefiting from major public contracts plainly engage immigration compliance and national security. I therefore request that any relevant findings be transmitted to: * the Honourable Minister of Interior; * the Attorney-General of the Federation; * the Bureau of Public Procurement; * the Corporate Affairs Commission; * the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission; * the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission; * the Department of State Services; and * the Office of the National Security Adviser. This request does not ask the Service to make findings outside its jurisdiction. It asks the Service to discharge its own statutory responsibilities and refer evidence falling within the competence of other public bodies. VII. Equal application of the law Section 1(1) of the Constitution declares the Constitution supreme and binding upon all persons and authorities throughout the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Section 1(3) renders inconsistent conduct invalid to the extent of its inconsistency with the Constitution. Section 14(2)(b) declares that the security and welfare of the people shall be the primary purpose of government. Section 15(5) commands the State to abolish all corrupt practices and abuse of power. These obligations admit of no special exemption for billionaires, government contractors or persons enjoying political access. Nigerians living and working in Lebanon, Britain or Saint Lucia are required to comply with the citizenship, immigration and employment laws of those countries. Nigeria is entitled—and constitutionally bound—to apply its own laws with equal seriousness. Neither wealth nor proximity to power can convert a foreign national into a Nigerian citizen. Nor can repeated possession of a Nigerian passport cure the absence of an underlying constitutional entitlement. VIII. Formal demands In the circumstances, I formally demand that the Nigeria Immigration Service: 1. commence an immediate investigation into the citizenship status of Gilbert and Ronald Chagoury; 2. determine separately whether each man is a citizen by birth, registration or naturalisation under sections 25, 26 or 27 of the Constitution; 3. determine the application of section 28 to every foreign nationality held or acquired by either man; 4. verify the existence and validity of every certificate of registration, certificate of naturalisation and Nigerian passport issued to them; 5. audit the applications, declarations and supporting documents upon which those passports were issued; 6. verify every entry, residence, employment and CERPAC record relating to them; 7. verify the business permits and expatriate-quota approvals of any company through which either man works or exercises executive functions in Nigeria; 8. preserve all relevant passport, border-control, visa, residence, citizenship and employment records pending the conclusion of the investigation; 9. afford the persons concerned due process and an opportunity to produce the documents upon which they rely; 10. cancel or withdraw any passport or immigration privilege found to have been unlawfully obtained, subject strictly to statutory authority and due process; 11. require either man who cannot establish Nigerian citizenship to enter, reside and work in Nigeria only under the visa, residence-permit and employment regime applicable to foreign nationals; 12. refer evidence of any suspected criminal or corrupt conduct to the competent investigative and prosecuting authorities; and 13. provide me with a written statement of the determination reached and the legal provisions upon which it is based. IX. Request under the Freedom of Information Act 2011 For the avoidance of doubt, this petition also constitutes an application under sections 1 and 4 of the Freedom of Information Act 2011 for access to non-exempt records sufficient to establish: * the category of Nigerian citizenship claimed by each man; * whether a certificate of registration or naturalisation exists; * the date and authority under which each certificate was granted; * the legal basis upon which Nigerian passports were issued; * whether those passports remain valid; * whether the Service has previously investigated their citizenship or passport status; and * the outcome of any such investigation. Where the Service contends that any part of a requested record is exempt, it should identify the precise statutory exemption relied upon and disclose every reasonably severable non-exempt portion. I expect acknowledgment of this petition and compliance with the applicable statutory time limits. Administrative silence would be inconsistent with the seriousness of the constitutional and national-security issues raised. This petition seeks no extrajudicial sanction and presumes no criminal guilt. It seeks a lawful, evidence-based and publicly accountable determination of whether two exceptionally influential men possess the Nigerian status and privileges they claim. The sovereignty of the Federal Republic is diminished whenever citizenship and passport privileges appear capable of being secured through influence rather than law. The Nigeria Immigration Service must now resolve this matter conclusively. Yours faithfully, Kio Amachree President Worldview International 483 Green Lanes London N13 4BS United Kingdom

FREE NNAMDI KANU NOW — Letters from Stockholm Nnamdi Kanu is a British citizen. He left the United Kingdom for Kenya on a British passport and was seized there in June 2021, bundled onto a plane and delivered into Nigerian custody without a single extradition hearing. That is not law enforcement. That is rendition. Five years on, I am still waiting for His Majesty's Government to explain why it has stood by while one of its own citizens was kidnapped abroad and locked away for life. Britain finds its voice quickly enough when the passport-holder is the right colour. Where is that voice for Kanu? Today he sits in a prison in Sokoto, serving a life sentence handed down last November, while his appeal gathers dust. IPOB has questioned why the Federal Government has not filed its response within the period allowed and has called on the Court of Appeal to list and hear the appeal. Even the Charismatic Bishops Conference of Nigeria has appealed to the SGF to prevail on President Tinubu to release him. A government confident in its case does not stall its own appeal court. Let us be honest about what "treason" means in Nigeria. It is the charge our military and civilian rulers reach for whenever they meet a problem they cannot bribe, beat or bury. My late father, Chief Godfrey Amachree QC, stood in court, unpaid, for Isaac Boro and for Ken Saro-Wiwa when that same charge was thrown at them. It is all documented. So I know exactly what this word is used for, and I know what my duty is. Meanwhile the real threat to Nigeria's security walks free. The men who bankroll the bandits of the North, who kidnap our schoolchildren, blow up our market women and strip the region of its mineral wealth to the tune of billions every year, are known. I have published their names three times. Not one of them has seen the inside of a cell. But a lone Igbo voice with a radio station gets life. That tells you everything about who this government protects and who it punishes. Kanu may be his own worst enemy in a courtroom. It does not matter. Every day he stays behind bars, his movement grows and the wound of 1967 reopens. I know because my Igbo brothers and sisters write to me daily about marginalisation, and as an Ijaw man who is insulted for his tribe every week, I finally understand what they mean. The civil war was never properly resolved. Fifty years on, the scars are deep, and Abuja is pouring salt into them. The Nigerian state behaves like a criminal enterprise, and the man at the top will, in my judgment, one day answer for it. Until then: release Nnamdi Kanu. Unconditionally. Immediately. Enough is enough. Kio Amachree Founder & President, Worldview International, Stockholm #FreeNnamdiKanuNow #NnamdiKanu #IPOB #Biafra #Rendition #BritishCitizen #UKForeignOffice #Nigeria #Tinubu #Treason #Banditry #NorthernNigeria #Marginalisation #NigerDelta #Ijaw #Igbo #IsaacBoro #KenSaroWiwa #GodfreyAmachree #RuleOfLaw #HumanRights #LettersFromStockholm #TheKioSolution #WorldviewInternational

THE $700 BILLION QUESTION: WHOSE MINERALS, WHOSE TERMS, WHOSE PROTECTION? Letters from Stockholm | Kio Amachree Something important happened in a room at Nigeria House in New York on Wednesday, and Nigerians were not in it. Solid Minerals Minister Dele Alake and US Deputy Secretary of State Christopher Landau signed and exchanged a framework for American investment in Nigeria's mineral resources — resources the Nigerian government itself values at around $700 billion. (FMINO) Let me deal with the loose talk first. Nigeria has not sold $700 billion of anything. That figure is the government's estimate of what lies under Nigerian soil. The framework, on the government's own description, covers geological data and exploration, mineral development and processing, infrastructure and technical capacity, and is meant to lead to specific projects and business-to-business partnerships "in the coming months". (FMINO) Good. Then the questions begin now, not in the coming months. **HOLD THE MINISTER TO HIS OWN WORDS** Alake said at the ceremony that Nigeria cannot remain a source of raw materials while others capture most of the value. (AllAfrica) I agree with every word. So let him prove it. Where is the full text of the framework? Which deposits — lithium, gold, tin, rare earths, uranium, iron ore — are in scope? Which American companies will obtain access, and through what process? Competitive tender, or handshake? What are the royalty and tax arrangements? How long will any mining right or offtake agreement run? Who owns the geological data generated under this partnership — Nigeria, or the company that paid for the survey? Will Nigeria insist, in writing, that strategic minerals are processed inside Nigeria before export? Or is "value addition" a speech, not a clause? What percentage of resulting ventures must be Nigerian-owned? What protections exist for host communities — and who guarantees security in mining areas where, as former Senator Shehu Sani pointed out this week, communities sitting on lithium, gold, rare earths and uranium are already at the mercy of bandits? (New Telegraph) And the question that towers over all the others: what commitments has Nigeria made to Washington beyond what has been announced? These are not anti-American questions. They are pro-Nigerian questions. Sani — no enemy of investment — called the deal commendable and in the same breath said its details should have been published before signing so the National Assembly could examine it. He warned that a minerals deal with a superpower is a sovereignty question, not merely an economic one, and that Nigeria must not simply swap Chinese miners for American ones "or appease anyone". (Tribune) That last phrase is the one to sit with. **THE ALLEGATION — AND WHAT IT IS AND IS NOT** There is a claim circulating that this framework was offered by President Tinubu's government to buy goodwill in Washington at a moment when Tinubu's own American legal history is back in the courts. That claim has not been proven. I want to be precise about where it comes from and what it rests on. Its principal source is Von Batten-Montague-York, a Washington lobbying firm paid by former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar — a partisan actor with a client and an election to fight. The firm has said it has not independently verified the "settled the Americans" talk it relayed, and that it has no evidence connecting an alleged $3 million approach from an APC figure to the minerals agreement. (Sagagist; QNC News) Its account has also shifted. On Thursday it claimed the deal had been cancelled after it alerted the Trump administration. The deal had in fact been signed on Wednesday — by ministers, not presidents. The firm then recast the story in a single line: America got the mines, Tinubu got no meeting. (PM News; QNC News) So let us be honest: a paid lobbyist's unverified inference is not evidence. I cannot find any evidence establishing that mineral access was exchanged for protection from American courts, investigators or agencies, and I will not pretend otherwise. But there is a difference between an allegation and an appearance problem, and Nigeria unquestionably has the second. **THE APPEARANCE PROBLEM** Consider the calendar. Tinubu left Nigeria on 30 August for London, then Paris, where he met Emmanuel Macron and Vincent Bolloré. Nigerian officials had spoken of arrangements for the President to attend the General Assembly — even of him sitting near Donald Trump during the General Debate. Then, on 20 September, the Presidency announced that Vice-President Shettima would lead the delegation, and extended the President's leave by a week. It is the third consecutive UNGA Tinubu has missed. (Nairametrics; ThisDay; News Chronicle) The Presidency says the President was on annual leave and has continued to direct affairs of state from Europe. It dismissed the insinuations from Atiku and a lobbying firm it described as headed by an ex-convict as baseless and irresponsible. (ThisDay; Freedom Online) Note what that reply does. It attacks the questioner. It does not publish the agreement. Meanwhile, in Washington, Greenspan v. Executive Office for U.S. Attorneys grinds on. In April 2025 Judge Beryl Howell ruled that the FBI and DEA could no longer refuse even to confirm or deny that records concerning Tinubu exist, because the investigation had already been officially acknowledged. (Justia) Tinubu has since intervened, asking the court to keep redactions in place on privacy grounds. The Presidency itself has said the agencies produced 399 pages with portions withheld. (Rio Times; Sahara Reporters) This week — on 23 September, the same day the minerals framework was signed — the US government filed a DEA declaration and index defending those withholdings on the grounds that release could expose confidential sources and investigative techniques. The filing describes the records as arising from a criminal investigation of a drug operation. It does not disclose what the records say. (Sahara Reporters; National Update) And once more, because precision matters: being the subject of a historical investigation is not a charge, and it is not a conviction. Judge Howell has found nothing of the kind, and neither have I. But place the two files side by side. Nigeria has minerals Washington wants. Washington has power Nigeria's president wants. And on the very day Nigeria's minister signed, Washington's lawyers were in court over Nigeria's president. Nobody has to allege a bargain to see why the public would suspect one. The cure for suspicion is not a press statement. It is sunlight. **NIGERIA IS WALKING A WELL-WORN PATH** Nigerians should also understand that this framework is not a bespoke gift. It is a template. Washington gave itself preferential rights to Ukraine's minerals in return for support in the war. It is negotiating a minerals-for-security arrangement with the Democratic Republic of Congo. Pakistan signed a critical-minerals deal whose opposition immediately condemned it as secret, lopsided and lacking parliamentary oversight — precisely the complaint now being made in Abuja. (AllAfrica; Quest Metals) Inside the United States itself, Public Citizen told the House Ways and Means Committee this month that the administration's minerals agreements in Africa and Central Asia suffer from inadequate transparency and carry risks of corruption and exploitation of resource-rich countries. (Rare Earth Exchanges) When Americans are warning that these deals are opaque, Nigerians are entitled to ask what our own government signed. **WHO PAYS WHEN THE TERMS ARE SECRET** Here is the fact the excitement in New York should not bury. While the President was on leave, he ordered an inquiry into the deaths of 37 suspected illegal miners in Minna after they were detained by the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps. (ThisDay) Thirty-seven Nigerians are dead over minerals this month. Not one of them will read the framework. That is who pays when the terms of Nigeria's mineral wealth are settled between officials and foreigners while citizens are told to trust and wait. **PUBLISH THE AGREEMENT** If this framework is the excellent arrangement the government says it is, publishing it costs the government nothing and buys it legitimacy. Lay it before the National Assembly. Let mining engineers, economists, constitutional lawyers, environmental specialists and, above all, the host communities read it before a single concession is granted. The government's own statement says the projects have not yet been identified. That is exactly the moment for scrutiny — before the excavators arrive, not after. Nigeria should welcome American investment, American technology and American competition with Chinese capital, if competition delivers Nigeria better terms. But investment must not become extraction without processing. Cooperation must not become dependency. And Nigeria's strategic assets must never become the private diplomatic currency of any president, for any purpose. If there is no secret bargain, publish the agreement and end the argument. If American investors are coming, name them. If concessions are contemplated, map them. If mineral rights are on the table, state their duration and value. If no political conditions are attached, put the documents before the Nigerian people and let the paper speak. The minerals do not belong to Bola Tinubu, to Dele Alake, to the APC, or to Washington, Beijing, Paris or London. They belong to Nigeria — including to the 37 who died in Minna. Seven hundred billion dollars is too large an inheritance to be signed away on trust. THE MINERALS BELONG TO THE PEOPLE. THE PEOPLE HAVE A RIGHT TO READ THE TERMS. — Kio Amachree Letters from Stockholm #Nigeria #Tinubu #CriticalMinerals #Lithium #RareEarths #NigeriaUS #MineralWealth #Transparency #NationalAssembly #Accountability #Mining #EconomicSovereignty #LettersFromStockholm

WHO PAID FOR THE PRESIDENCY? WHAT GILBERT CHAGOURY GAVE, AND WHAT HE HAS RECEIVED, MUST BE PUT BEFORE THE NIGERIAN PEOPLE Letters from Stockholm | The Kio Solution By Kio Amachree Let me begin with what is known and what is not. I have searched the public record. There is no published INEC return, court filing or credible investigative report establishing that Gilbert Chagoury financed Bola Tinubu's 2023 presidential campaign. I will not claim what has not been proven. But what is on the record should trouble every Nigerian, and it is more than enough to demand that the question be answered under oath. Consider the man. In 2000, a Geneva court convicted Gilbert Chagoury of money laundering in connection with the looting of Nigeria under General Sani Abacha. According to Premium Times, he set up accounts at a Swiss bank through which the Abacha family moved more than 120 million dollars. He paid 600,000 dollars in fines and returned 66 million dollars to the Nigerian government. Nigeria's own stolen money is the first chapter of his public biography. In October 2019, Chagoury entered into a deferred prosecution agreement with United States federal prosecutors in Los Angeles. He admitted that between 2012 and 2016, knowing that as a foreign national he was barred from contributing to American elections, he provided about 180,000 dollars to people in the United States so that it could be given to four federal candidates in their names instead of his own. He paid a 1.8 million dollar fine to end the matter. Note the method. He did not write cheques in his own name. He routed money through other people. That is exactly the kind of conduct Nigeria's campaign finance law is least equipped to see. Now consider the proximity. Chagoury's relationship with Tinubu goes back to Tinubu's years as Governor of Lagos. Tinubu has publicly called him a "valued and treasured person." Daily Trust reported that Chagoury was listed as a personal adviser on the President's delegation to the United Nations climate summit. On 8 January 2026, his eightieth birthday, the President conferred on him the Grand Commander of the Order of the Niger, the second-highest honour this Republic can bestow. And consider the money that has flowed since May 2023. Hitech Construction, part of the Chagoury group, was handed the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway, a project Daily Trust has costed at 15.6 trillion naira, with more than one trillion naira approved for the first 47 kilometres alone. OCCRP and Daily Trust both reported that it was awarded without a public competitive bidding process. The Works Minister insists due process was followed. If so, publish the process. OCCRP also reported that the President's son, Seyi Tinubu, was a majority shareholder in a British Virgin Islands company alongside Ronald Chagoury Jr. And only this week, Peoples Gazette reported that Chagoury arranged the February 2025 meeting from which the roughly seven billion dollar Ogun deep seaport arrangements with DP World emerged, a claim that has not been independently confirmed and which demands an answer. None of this proves that Chagoury paid for Tinubu's campaign. But a man convicted over Abacha's loot, who admitted funnelling foreign money into American elections through straw donors, who sits beside the President at international summits and whose companies have since received some of the largest contracts in this nation's history, is precisely the man about whom a democracy must ask: what did he give, and what did he get? The law as it stands cannot answer that question. Section 225(3) of the 1999 Constitution forbids political parties from holding funds outside Nigeria or keeping money sent from abroad, which must be surrendered to INEC within twenty-one days. The Electoral Act 2026, in Section 89, repeats that prohibition with forfeiture and fines. But these provisions speak to parties. They say far too little about money given to candidates, campaign councils, support groups and intermediaries, about in-kind gifts such as aircraft, accommodation and logistics, or about foreign wealth dressed in the clothing of a Nigerian company. The 2026 Act has also raised the maximum an individual may give a candidate from 50 million naira to 500 million naira and doubled the presidential spending ceiling to 10 billion naira. We are making it easier, not harder, for one patron to own a President. There is a further question. Chagoury is widely described as Lebanese-Nigerian, and the American authorities describe him as a resident of Paris. Whether he is a foreign donor in the eyes of Nigerian law depends on his citizenship. That too should be a matter of public record. I therefore call for the following. To the Tinubu-Shettima Campaign Council and the APC: publish the full, audited 2023 campaign accounts, with every donor, every in-kind contribution and every beneficial owner behind every corporate donor. To Gilbert Chagoury, his family and his companies: state publicly and in writing whether you gave money, aircraft, services or any other assistance, directly or through anyone else, to Tinubu, his campaign or the APC. To INEC, the EFCC and the Nigerian Financial Intelligence Unit: open a formal inquiry into the financing of the 2023 presidential campaign and follow every naira and every dollar. To the National Assembly: commission an independent audit of every federal contract, concession and land allocation awarded to Chagoury-linked companies since 29 May 2023, beginning with the Coastal Highway, and publish the procurement record in full. On contracts, let me be precise. Any contract awarded outside the open competitive procedures required by our procurement and concession laws should be reviewed now, whoever the contractor is. And if it is established that Chagoury or any company he controls financed this President's election, directly or through proxies, then every contract his companies have received from this government must be suspended, revoked where the law allows, and every naira overpaid recovered. A contract cannot be allowed to serve as a receipt. Then close the loopholes for good. Ban all contributions from foreign nationals, foreign-controlled companies, offshore trusts and any entity whose ultimate owner cannot be named, whether given to parties, candidates, aspirants or support groups, and whether given in cash or in kind. Require every donation above one million naira to be reported electronically within seven days and published in a searchable public register showing the donor's identity, nationality and beneficial owner. Bar government contractors from funding the officials who award and supervise their contracts. Oblige banks to flag suspicious political transfers to INEC, the EFCC and the NFIU. Treat proxy and anonymous donations as crimes, forfeit illegal money, and prosecute donor, recipient and intermediary alike. A candidate who knowingly takes prohibited foreign money should be disqualified. The presidency of Nigeria is not an asset to be acquired and paid for later with highways, seaports and concessions. If there is nothing to hide, publish the accounts. The silence is costing this government more than the truth ever could. Nigerians, not patrons, must choose the President of Nigeria. #ForeignMoneyOutOfNigerianPolitics #CampaignFinanceReform #Tinubu #GilbertChagoury #INEC #EFCC #PoliticalAccountability #FollowTheMoney #NigeriaIsNotForSale #ElectoralReform #TransparencyNow #EndPoliticalCorruption #LettersFromStockholm Sources: US DOJ: Chagoury deferred prosecution agreement Premium Times: Tinubu gives Chagoury GCON OCCRP: Sons of Nigerian President and his tycoon friend owned a company together Daily Trust: Tinubu Presidency, Chagoury and the N15.6trn highway controversy CFR: Rumors of a Political Capture West Africa Weekly: Chagoury profile Parrot Nigeria / Peoples Gazette: Ogun deep seaport and DP World LawGlobalHub: Electoral Act 2026 finance provisions Constitution s.225

25 September 2026 The Comptroller-General Nigeria Immigration Service Service Headquarters, Sauka Airport Road Abuja, Federal Capital Territory Nigeria Copied to: The Honourable Minister of Interior, Federal Ministry of Interior, Abuja The Honourable Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Abuja The Executive Chairman, Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, Abuja The Chairman, Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission, Abuja The Director-General, Bureau of Public Procurement, Abuja The Office of the National Security Adviser, Abuja Dear Comptroller-General, PETITION FOR AN URGENT INVESTIGATION INTO THE CITIZENSHIP, NIGERIAN PASSPORTS AND IMMIGRATION STATUS OF MR GILBERT RAMEZ CHAGOURY AND MR RONALD CHAGOURY Made under Chapter III of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended), the Immigration Act 2015, the Passport (Miscellaneous Provisions) Act, Cap. P1, Laws of the Federation of Nigeria 2004, and the Nigeria Immigration Regulations 2017; incorporating a request under the Freedom of Information Act 2011; and constituting notice under section 109(1) of the Immigration Act 2015 A. INTRODUCTION I write, as President of Worldview International and as a Nigerian by birth, to petition the Nigeria Immigration Service ("the Service") to open an immediate, transparent and legally conclusive investigation into the citizenship, the Nigerian passports and the immigration status of Mr Gilbert Ramez Chagoury and his brother, Mr Ronald Chagoury ("the Chagoury brothers"). The question I raise is narrow, precise and legal. It is not whether the Chagoury brothers are wealthy, well connected or favoured by the present Administration. It is this: upon what lawful basis, under the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and the statutes made under it, do these two men hold themselves out as Nigerian citizens and carry Nigerian passports? That question admits of a documentary answer. The Service holds, or has lawful access to, the records that supply it. I ask that it be answered. Nothing in this petition asserts that either man has committed an offence. I set out the publicly reported facts, the governing law, and the questions which that law compels. It is for the Service and the other competent authorities to establish the truth from the records, and to act upon what they find. B. THE PUBLICLY REPORTED FACTS According to publicly available sources, Mr Gilbert Chagoury was born on 8 January 1946 in Lagos, then part of the Colony of Lagos under British rule, and Mr Ronald Chagoury was born on 8 January 1949 in Benin City. Both men were therefore born in Nigeria before the date of independence, 1 October 1960. Their parents are reported to have emigrated from Lebanon to Nigeria in the 1940s. I am aware of no public record suggesting that either parent, or any grandparent, belonged to a community indigenous to Nigeria, or was born in Nigeria. Mr Gilbert Chagoury has been widely reported to have held a diplomatic passport issued by Saint Lucia, and to have represented Saint Lucia as its ambassador to UNESCO and to the Holy See. Reports also associate the family with Lebanese nationality and with residence in France. The precise nationalities each brother holds, and how and when each was acquired, are not a matter of public record in Nigeria. They should be. In 2000 a court in Geneva, Switzerland, is reported to have convicted Mr Gilbert Chagoury in connection with the laundering of funds linked to the late General Sani Abacha, following which he is reported to have paid a fine and returned approximately US$66 million to the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Companies of the Chagoury Group, including Hitech Construction Company Limited, have been awarded some of the largest public works contracts in the history of the Federation, including sections of the Lagos–Calabar Coastal Highway and, reportedly in July 2026, a section of the Sokoto–Badagry Superhighway valued at approximately ₦1.7 trillion. Serious public concern has been expressed, by civil society and in the national press, that these awards were made without open competitive bidding. The Federal Government has publicly defended the awards. The Chagoury Group is also reported to hold the Eko Atlantic City concession. On 8 January 2026 President Bola Ahmed Tinubu conferred upon Mr Gilbert Chagoury the national honour of Grand Commander of the Order of the Niger (GCON). The Presidency has not published the criteria upon which the award was made. C. THE GOVERNING LAW (i) Citizenship by birth: section 25 of the Constitution Section 25(1) of the Constitution defines exhaustively who is a citizen of Nigeria by birth. For a person born in Nigeria before independence, the only route is paragraph (a): "every person born in Nigeria before the date of independence, either of whose parents or any of whose grandparents belongs or belonged to a community indigenous to Nigeria: Provided that a person shall not become a citizen of Nigeria by virtue of this section if neither any of his parents nor any of his grandparents was born in Nigeria." Paragraph (b), which confers citizenship on persons born after independence to a Nigerian parent or grandparent, cannot apply to men born in 1946 and 1949. The test in paragraph (a) is therefore cumulative and exacting: a parent or grandparent must belong to a community indigenous to Nigeria, and, by the proviso, at least one parent or grandparent must have been born in Nigeria. The Independence Constitution of 1960, in section 7, contained a proviso to materially the same effect. Birth on Nigerian soil to foreign parents has never, of itself, conferred Nigerian citizenship by birth. (ii) Citizenship by registration: section 26 Section 26 permits registration only of (a) a woman who is or has been married to a citizen of Nigeria, and (b) a person of full age born outside Nigeria any of whose grandparents is a citizen of Nigeria, and in each case only if the President is satisfied as to good character, intention to be domiciled in Nigeria, and the taking of the Oath of Allegiance. On the reported facts, neither category would appear to apply to the Chagoury brothers. (iii) Citizenship by naturalisation: section 27 Section 27 permits the grant of a certificate of naturalisation only where the President is satisfied, among other things, that the applicant is of full age and capacity; is of good character; has shown a clear intention to be domiciled in Nigeria; is acceptable to the local community in which he is to live permanently, as attested by the Governor of the State; has made or is capable of making useful contribution to the advancement of Nigeria; has taken the Oath of Allegiance; and has resided in Nigeria for the qualifying periods prescribed by section 27(2)(g). A person naturalised under section 27 is a citizen of Nigeria, but he is not a citizen of Nigeria by birth, and the Constitution attaches consequences to that distinction. (iv) Dual citizenship and forfeiture: section 28 Section 28(1) is mandatory in its terms: "Subject to the other provisions of this section, a person shall forfeit forthwith his Nigerian citizenship if, not being a citizen of Nigeria by birth, he acquires or retains the citizenship or nationality of a country, other than Nigeria, of which he is not a citizen by birth." Section 28(2) further provides that any registration, or grant of a certificate of naturalisation, to a person who is at that time a citizen of another country of which he is not a citizen by birth, is conditional upon the effective renunciation of that other citizenship within not more than five months of the registration or grant. The effect is clear. Only a Nigerian citizen by birth may lawfully hold another nationality acquired otherwise than by birth. A Nigerian citizen by registration or naturalisation who acquires or retains a nationality not held by birth, for example a nationality acquired by investment, by grant or by naturalisation abroad, forfeits Nigerian citizenship forthwith, by operation of the Constitution itself and without the need for any further act of the State. The Service does not confer or remove such citizenship; the Constitution has already determined it. The Service must simply give effect to it. (v) Passports A Nigerian passport is, by definition in the Passport (Miscellaneous Provisions) Act, a document issued "to Nigerians". Regulation 38 of the Nigeria Immigration Regulations 2017 vests the power to issue Nigerian passports in the Comptroller-General and confines their issue to bona fide Nigerians. By section 5(1) of the Passport (Miscellaneous Provisions) Act, the Minister may at any time cancel or withdraw any passport where, among other grounds, "(a) the passport is obtained by fraud", "(c) a person unlawfully holds more than one passport at the same time", or "(d) it is in the public interest so to do"; and by section 5(2) the particulars of any passport so withdrawn must be published in the Federal Gazette. It is an offence under section 1(1)(d) of that Act knowingly to make a false statement for the purpose of procuring a passport, and an offence under section 3, punishable by five years' imprisonment without the option of a fine, unlawfully to assist an alien to procure or possess a Nigerian passport. (vi) The immigration status of non-citizens Section 2 of the Immigration Act 2015 charges the Service with the control of persons entering or leaving Nigeria, the issuance of travel documents including Nigerian passports, the issuance of residence permits to foreigners, and the enforcement of the laws and regulations with which it is charged. A person who is not a citizen of Nigeria may enter Nigeria only in accordance with section 18 of the Act, and may reside, work or establish a business only under the appropriate visa or permit issued under section 37 and the Regulations, and, where employment is concerned, within an approved expatriate quota. These requirements bind every non-citizen equally, however wealthy and however well connected. (vii) The Federal Government's own recent practice On 11 April 2026 the Honourable Minister of Interior directed the Service to withdraw and deactivate, with immediate effect, the Nigerian passports of persons whose renunciation of Nigerian citizenship had been registered under section 29 of the Constitution, on the stated ground that persons who are no longer Nigerian citizens cannot hold sovereign Nigerian documents, and in order to "preserve the sanctity of Nigerian citizenship". I respectfully commend that principle. It applies with at least equal force to any person whose Nigerian citizenship was never lawfully acquired, or has been forfeited forthwith by operation of section 28. A principle applied to ordinary Nigerians abroad who have lawfully renounced their citizenship cannot be withheld from billionaires at home whose citizenship has never been publicly demonstrated. D. THE QUESTIONS THE LAW COMPELS Applying that law to the reported facts, the following questions arise and demand documentary answers: (a) Whether either brother satisfies section 25(1)(a), that is, whether either parent or any grandparent belonged to a community indigenous to Nigeria and was born in Nigeria. If not, neither is a citizen of Nigeria by birth. (b) If neither is a citizen by birth, whether either was ever lawfully registered under section 26 or granted a certificate of naturalisation under section 27; if so, on what date, by what instrument, upon what evidence of residence, character and community acceptance, and following what Oath of Allegiance. (c) Whether, at the date of any such registration or grant, either brother held another nationality not held by birth, and if so whether he effectively renounced it within five months as section 28(2) requires. (d) Whether either brother has at any time since acquired or retained the citizenship or nationality of Saint Lucia, the United Kingdom, France or any other country of which he is not a citizen by birth. If so, and if he is not a Nigerian citizen by birth, his Nigerian citizenship was forfeited forthwith under section 28(1). (e) Whether any Saint Lucian diplomatic passport held by Mr Gilbert Chagoury was issued to him as a citizen of Saint Lucia, and whether that status was disclosed to the Service in any application for, or renewal of, a Nigerian passport. (f) Whether every Nigerian passport issued to either brother was issued lawfully, upon truthful declarations, and whether any such passport is presently valid. (g) Whether, for any period during which either brother was not lawfully a Nigerian citizen, he entered, resided in, worked in or directed businesses in Nigeria without the visa, residence permit or expatriate quota approval the law requires. I emphasise that each of these questions may have a lawful answer. If it does, let the answer be given, and the matter closed. What is not acceptable in a constitutional democracy is that the questions should never be asked. E. WHY THIS MATTERS: EQUALITY BEFORE THE LAW AND THE INTEGRITY OF THE STATE Section 15(5) of the Constitution commands that "The State shall abolish all corrupt practices and abuse of power." Section 42 forbids the conferment on any citizen of privileges not accorded to others by reason of community, ethnic group or place of origin. The rule of law in Nigeria must mean that the same Constitution applies to the man who controls trillion-naira public contracts as applies to the trader in Onitsha or the nurse in Maiduguri. Nigerians who live in Lebanon, in the United Kingdom, in France or in Saint Lucia are required to comply strictly with the citizenship and immigration laws of those countries. They are asked for their papers, and they produce them. Nigeria is entitled, indeed obliged, to require the same of foreign nationals, and of persons whose claim to Nigerian nationality has never been publicly established, who operate within its borders. The question has acquired particular urgency. Businesses associated with the Chagoury family have been the beneficiaries of public contracts and concessions of extraordinary value, several reportedly awarded without open competitive bidding, which the Public Procurement Act 2007 establishes as the default method of federal procurement. There is legitimate public concern regarding foreign control of strategic national infrastructure, and regarding whether Nigerians hold meaningful senior positions within the companies so benefiting. I recognise that procurement and employment matters fall largely outside the mandate of the Service, and I have copied this petition to the authorities with competence over them. But whether the principal beneficiaries of those contracts are, in law, Nigerian citizens is squarely within the mandate of the Service, and it is a matter touching the sovereignty, security and integrity of the Nigerian State. Neither political proximity, financial influence, national honours nor a relationship with any serving government can place any person above Chapter III of the Constitution or the Immigration Act 2015. F. RELIEFS REQUESTED I therefore respectfully request that the Service: (a) forthwith commence an investigation into the citizenship and passport records of Mr Gilbert Ramez Chagoury and Mr Ronald Chagoury, including all passport applications, renewals and supporting declarations, and all records of any registration or naturalisation; (b) verify their present nationalities, immigration status, residence status and employment status in Nigeria, and the entry and exit records relating to each; (c) if it is established that either man is not lawfully a Nigerian citizen, or has forfeited Nigerian citizenship under section 28(1) of the Constitution, recommend to the Honourable Minister of Interior the withdrawal of every Nigerian passport issued to him under section 5(1) of the Passport (Miscellaneous Provisions) Act, with publication in the Federal Gazette as section 5(2) requires; (d) in that event, require that he thereafter enter Nigeria only upon a valid visa, and reside, work or conduct business in Nigeria only upon a valid residence permit and within an approved expatriate quota, as the Immigration Act 2015 requires of every other non-citizen; (e) refer any evidence of false declaration, fraud or unlawful assistance in procuring Nigerian passports to the Attorney-General of the Federation, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission for investigation and, where warranted, prosecution; and (f) provide me with a formal written response setting out the legal basis of the status of each man in Nigeria, subject only to such restrictions on disclosure as the law lawfully requires. G. REQUEST UNDER THE FREEDOM OF INFORMATION ACT 2011 Without prejudice to the foregoing, and pursuant to section 1(1) of the Freedom of Information Act 2011, I request copies of, or access to, the following records held by the Service, with personal identifiers such as passport numbers, addresses and biometric data redacted: (a) the statutory category (birth, registration or naturalisation) under which each of the Chagoury brothers has been recognised as a citizen of Nigeria for the purposes of passport issue; (b) the dates and legal instruments of any registration or naturalisation, and of any renunciation of foreign nationality under section 28(2) of the Constitution; (c) the dates of issue and the categories (standard, official or diplomatic) of the Nigerian passports issued to each of them since 1999; and (d) any residence permit, CERPAC or expatriate quota approval granted to either of them, or to any company in respect of either of them. Section 4 of the Act requires a response within seven days. I acknowledge the exemption for personal information in section 14(1). However, section 14(3) obliges a public institution to disclose such information where the public interest in disclosure clearly outweighs the protection of the privacy of the individual concerned. Where the persons in question are the recipients of public contracts worth trillions of naira and of the Federation's second-highest national honour, and where the lawfulness of their holding of sovereign Nigerian documents is in question, the public interest is overwhelming. Should any part of this request be refused, I ask that the refusal state the specific grounds and provision relied upon, as section 7 requires. H. RESERVATION OF RIGHTS AND NOTICE This petition is made in good faith and in the public interest. The Supreme Court has confirmed, in Centre for Oil Pollution Watch v. Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (2019) 5 NWLR (Pt. 1666) 518, that a citizen acting in the public interest has standing to seek the enforcement of public duties. By section 251(1)(i) of the Constitution the Federal High Court has exclusive jurisdiction in matters of citizenship, naturalisation and aliens, immigration, and passports and visas. Accordingly, and without prejudice to the co-operative spirit in which it is written, this letter shall also stand as the written notice contemplated by section 109(1) of the Immigration Act 2015. Should the Service fail to act upon this petition, or to respond to the request in Part G within the statutory period, I reserve the right to seek, without further notice, all appropriate relief before the Federal High Court, including orders of mandamus compelling the performance of the Service's statutory duties, and orders under the Freedom of Information Act 2011. I. CONCLUSION Nigeria cannot credibly demand respect for its citizens abroad while permitting politically connected persons at home, whose entitlement to Nigerian nationality has never been publicly established, to stand outside the rules that bind every other person within its borders. Citizenship is the most basic compact between a State and its people. Its integrity is not for sale, and it is not a matter of patronage. I trust that the Service will treat this petition with the urgency and seriousness it demands, and I look forward to your written acknowledgement and substantive response. Yours faithfully, Kio Amachree President, Worldview International 483 Green Lanes London N13 4BS United Kingdom

FREE NNAMDI KANU written by Kio Amachree SKJ Records 2026

STATEMENT BY KIO AMACHREE Founder and President, Worldview International — Letters from Stockholm Why I Now Regard the APC as a Criminal Organisation, and Why Tinubu Must Go I do not use words lightly. I studied law and worked on Wall Street, and I did my National Service inside the National Assembly and the Presidency. I know what a political party looks like, and I know what an organised enterprise looks like. After three years of watching the All Progressives Congress under Bola Ahmed Tinubu, I have reached my conclusion. In my considered opinion, the APC no longer behaves like a political party. It behaves like a criminal organisation: it buys loyalty, captures the referee, rewards the men who boast of stopping the people's vote, hands out the nation's wealth to insiders, abandons citizens to killers and treats the Constitution as optional. Here is my case, count by count. Count One: The leader and his sealed file In 1993 a United States federal court in Chicago ordered $460,000 of Bola Tinubu's money forfeited as proceeds linked to heroin trafficking (Case No. 93 C 4483). Today he is fighting in Washington, in Greenspan v. FBI/DEA before Judge Beryl Howell, to keep the FBI and DEA records sealed. A party that makes such a man its leader, and defends him instead of demanding the truth, has chosen its character. Count Two: Buying the governors The APC now claims 31 of Nigeria's 36 states. Governors have crossed over one after another: Fubara of Rivers, Mutfwang of Plateau, Yusuf of Kano, Fintiri of Adamawa, Lawal of Zamfara. Nigerian press and analysts have openly linked these defections to access to federal money, contracts and automatic tickets, and to fear of prosecution after office. In May 2026 it was reported that the 31 APC governors had pooled deductions from their states' FAAC allocations, said to total about ₦800 billion, into structures tied to Tinubu's 2027 re-election. The Progressive Governors Forum and the APC deny this and call it false. If it is true, the money for the hospitals, schools and salaries of Nigerians was diverted to keep one man in power. That is not politics. That is racketeering. Count Three: Capturing the referee (INEC) In April 2026 SaharaReporters reported that FCT Minister Nyesom Wike had given prime Abuja land, and $50,000 each, to more than 29 senior INEC officials. An INEC National Commissioner, Mohammed Kudu Haruna, then confirmed that commission members, himself included, had received Abuja land allocations. He denied the cash as "a barefaced lie." A minister in an APC government handing land to the people who will count the 2027 votes is itself the scandal. Separately, SERAP, relying on the Auditor-General of the Federation's own 2023 report, has demanded that INEC account for more than ₦126 billion. That includes about ₦112 billion paid for ballot materials without competitive bidding. Count Four: The minister who said "I stopped it", and walks free The same Nyesom Wike has now gone on national television, on TVC's Journalists' Hangout, and spoken of the 2023 presidential election in Rivers State in these words: "In Rivers, I said, 'No, we have a problem here in Rivers. Obi will not win here. If he wins, it will send a signal…' And I stopped it." Read that again. A serving minister of the Federal Republic says that he decided who would not win a presidential election in his state, and that he stopped it. Tinubu was declared the winner in Rivers. Today Wike says the rigging accusation is "baseless." He asks: "How can they say I rigged the election? How would I have done it?" He says it was a G5 political strategy. But Nigerians heard his own words. In my reading, that is a confession. Yet he has not been arrested, questioned by the police, or investigated by INEC, the EFCC or the Attorney-General. He has not been suspended from office. He remains the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, the same man who gave land to INEC officials, and he now sits at the centre of the 2027 campaign. In any functioning democracy, a minister who spoke like that would face an investigation the next morning. Under the APC he gets promoted and protected. When a gang's enforcer boasts of the job and the boss does nothing, that tells you who ordered the job. Count Five: A nation left to bleed SBM Intelligence recorded 5,091 people killed in media-reported violence across Nigeria in just three months, April to June 2026. Among them were 2,644 unarmed civilians, and the real toll is higher because many attacks are never reported. Amnesty International has reported at least 1,100 people abducted in three months in the north. Farmers cannot farm. Children cannot go to school. A government that cannot protect its citizens but can always protect its contracts has shown you its priorities. Count Six: The nation's wealth handed to insiders The Chagoury-linked Hitech Construction was handed the Lagos–Calabar Coastal Highway, worth about $11 billion. Around it sit port contracts, the £746 million UK export-credit guarantee for the Lagos ports and other awards. The Chagoury-linked total is now approaching $20 billion. The President's son, Seyi Tinubu, holds no public office yet has sat on the board of a Chagoury company. Gilbert Chagoury received the GCON in January 2026. And on 24 September a multi-billion-dollar Ogun State port deal was signed in Paris, not Abuja. Contracts without open competition, handed to friends of the ruler, with the ruler's family at the table: that is the textbook pattern of state capture. Count Seven: Nobody in charge of Nigeria Tinubu left for Europe on 30 August for what was called a 21-day "working leave." That period has expired, and he is still in France. Vice President Shettima is in New York at the UN General Assembly. Around 20–21 September, Senate President Akpabio was in Italy. For a time, the three highest office-holders in the Federal Republic were all outside the country at once. As far as the public record shows, no Section 145 letter has been sent to the National Assembly transferring power. Akpabio's answer: "I am not the acting president. Because the President is still in power." So who signs for Nigeria? Who commands the armed forces tonight? A country of 230 million people is being run like a private estate, from Paris. My conclusion Put these counts together: a leader fighting to hide his drug-forfeiture file, governors bought or frightened into line, the electoral umpire compromised, a minister who says on television "I stopped it" and walks free, citizens slaughtered while contracts flow to insiders, and the Constitution shelved while the President holidays. That is not a party with bad policies. In my judgement it is an enterprise organised to capture and keep the Nigerian state for private gain. That is why I call it what I call it. I therefore demand: The immediate resignation of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, or impeachment under Section 143 for gross misconduct, including governing without a lawful Section 145 transfer of power. The immediate suspension of Nyesom Wike as FCT Minister, and a full police, INEC and Attorney-General investigation into his televised statement on the 2023 Rivers presidential result. The full release of the FBI/DEA records on the 1993 Chicago forfeiture. An independent forensic audit of all state FAAC deductions since 2023, and of the alleged ₦800 billion campaign pool. The names of every INEC official who received FCT land, their recusal from 2027 election duties, and a full answer to SERAP on the ₦126 billion. The publication of every Chagoury-linked contract, an open retender of the Lagos–Calabar highway, and the removal of Seyi Tinubu from any contractor's board. A law making it mandatory to transmit power to the Vice President whenever the President is abroad for more than 21 days. Nigeria belongs to Nigerians. Kio Amachree Stockholm, 25 September 2026 #TinubuMustGo #ArrestWike #ReleaseTheTinubuFiles #INEC #Section145 #KioSolution #LettersFromStockholm #NigeriaBelongsToNigerians #KioAmachree Sources: Parallel Facts: Wike's "I stopped it" remarks on TVC Journalists' Hangout The Tide: Alleged results manipulation for Tinubu in 2023 baseless — Wike National Accord: NDC alleges Wike admitted 2023 election manipulation Chronicle: Wike denies rigging 2023 election for Tinubu Pulse: Tinubu, Shettima and Akpabio all out of the country Daily Trust: I'm not Acting President, says Akpabio Pulse: Governors who defected to APC CJID: Alleged ₦800 billion re-election fund SaharaReporters: Wike gave Abuja land, $50,000 to INEC officials SaharaReporters: INEC Commissioner confirms land, denies bribe SaharaReporters: SERAP demands INEC account for ₦126bn FIJ: 5,091 killings in three months Amnesty International Nigeria: 1,100 abducted ThisDay: Tinubu arrives Paris

Letters from Stockholm The Broker Never Loses: Seven Billion Dollars, One Lebanese Middleman, and a President Who Has Learned Nothing By Kio Amachree On Thursday in Paris, President Bola Tinubu stood beside Governor Dapo Abiodun of Ogun State and watched DP World of Dubai sign memoranda of understanding for the Gateway Deep Seaport at Ogun Waterside and a ten thousand hectare Blue Marine Special Economic Zone. The Presidency says the package envisages more than seven billion dollars of initial investment and fifty thousand direct jobs. The President promised regulatory clarity, policy stability, federal roads, rail and power, and the protection of the maritime domain. He called it Renewed Hope in action. I have no quarrel with a deep seaport. Apapa and Tin Can are choked, the draft is too shallow, and Nigeria pays a fortune in demurrage for the privilege of being badly run. A four kilometre berth with an eighteen metre draft is exactly what the country needs. My quarrel is with how Nigeria got here, who opened the door, and why the same man is standing behind it yet again. Let us go back to the twenty sixth of February 2025. On that day, according to Africa Intelligence, ThisDay, BusinessDay and SaharaReporters, President Tinubu sat down with Sultan Ahmed bin Sulayem, then chairman and chief executive of DP World, together with the Minister of Marine and Blue Economy Adegboyega Oyetola. In the room with them was Gilbert Chagoury. Africa Intelligence reported plainly that Chagoury was working to bring DP World into Nigeria's ports. Nineteen months later the Emiratis are signing in Paris, the city where Chagoury keeps his home, and the President is there to bless it. So let us be accurate about what Thursday was. It was not a federal contract signed in Abuja after open bidding. It was a state MoU, witnessed by the President, underwritten by federal promises, and traceable in a straight line back to a meeting that Nigeria's most persistent middleman helped to arrange. Chagoury does not own DP World. He does something better. He owns the introduction. In Nigeria, the introduction is where the money is. Who is this man the President keeps at his side? The record, not my opinion, says the following. In 2000 a court in Geneva convicted Gilbert Chagoury in connection with the laundering of money looted by Sani Abacha, and he paid to have the matter settled. In 2019 the United States Department of Justice resolved a case against him over illegal campaign contributions with a payment of 1.8 million dollars. For a period he could not get into the United States at all. He has denied wrongdoing throughout, and I note those denials. But no denial erases a conviction, and no honour from Aso Rock does either. In January this year Tinubu gave him the GCON, one of the highest honours in the land. The National Security Adviser, Nuhu Ribadu, once called this man corrupt on the record and tried to have him stopped at an airport. Ribadu now salutes him in the Villa. That is the state of Nigeria's memory. Now count what has passed through that door since 2023. The Lagos to Calabar coastal highway to Hitech, at a price that changes every time a minister opens his mouth. The seven hundred million dollar Apapa and Tin Can renovation to ITB, a company with no port record, chosen at a Federal Executive Council meeting in February 2025 where, we were told, the President had the final say. A forty five year handover of the Snake Island terminal. The seven hundred and forty six million pound British export guarantee for the same ports. The Eko Atlantic concession that runs for seventy eight years. I wrote in August that the verifiable Chagoury linked figure stood at roughly thirteen billion dollars. Add Thursday's seven billion, brokered rather than awarded, and the ledger of one man's access to one President is now knocking on twenty billion dollars. I still refuse the hundred billion figure that circulates online. I do not need it. Twenty is an obscenity on its own. And look at the partner Chagoury chose. Sultan bin Sulayem resigned from DP World on the thirteenth of February this year after the Epstein files showed his correspondence with a convicted sex offender. Companies around the world put distance between themselves and Dubai's port giant. Nigeria did the opposite. Nigeria sat tighter. The man who took the February 2025 meeting is gone in disgrace and the deal he took it for survives him. Ask yourself what that tells the world about who really decides in Nigeria. I want to say something about Ogun Waterside specifically. Ijebu land is where the Mexican meth labs were found in the forests this year. It is the corridor of the coastal highway. It is now to be the site of a port, a free zone, a navy base and OK LNG. Everything is converging on one stretch of coast, and every road into it seems to run past the same Lebanese address. When one foreigner sits at the junction of a nation's ports, roads, terminals and free zones, that is not investment. That is a toll gate. Governor Abiodun will say Ogun found the land and structured the deal. Fine. Then publish the MoU. Publish the term sheet. Tell Nigerians what DP World has been promised in tax holidays, land tenure, exclusivity and dispute resolution. Tell us who Sky Capital, the financial adviser thanked by the President, actually is and who owns it. Tell us whether any Chagoury company, or any company on whose board the President's son sits, has been promised a slice of the construction, the dredging, the concessions inside the zone. If the answer is no, saying so costs nothing. Silence will be read as the answer. This is the Kio Solution and it has not changed. One. Publish the Ogun DP World memoranda of understanding and every side agreement in full, within thirty days. Two. Declare the role of Gilbert Chagoury, the Chagoury Group and any of its affiliates in the DP World arrangement, in writing, signed by the Minister of Marine and Blue Economy. Three. Bar any person with a foreign criminal conviction for money laundering from brokering, advising on or benefiting from Nigerian public infrastructure, and revoke honours granted to such persons. Four. Commission an independent forensic audit of every Chagoury linked award since May 2023, with the report published, not filed. Five. Prepare the evidence register now. The Isabel Precedent is not a threat, it is a timetable. Angola recovered its money after its ruling family lost power. Nigeria will do the same, and every contract signed in Paris, London and Dubai will be reopened by people who were not in the room. A word on the President himself. Nothing I write is personal. It is politics. I say only what the documents say and I ask what the documents do not answer. The Chicago civil forfeiture of 1993 was a civil matter and not a criminal conviction, and I have never claimed otherwise. But a President who is asked, month after month, why the same convicted middleman sits at every big table, and who answers by giving him a national honour and taking him to dinner at the Élysée, has told Nigerians all they need to know. He does not care what we think. He cares who gets the introduction. The broker never loses. The people always pay. That is the arrangement. It ends when Nigerians end it, by ballot, by law and by ledger. Nigeria belongs to Nigerians. #Chagoury #DPWorld #OgunSeaport #Tinubu #TheKioSolution #LettersFromStockholm #NigeriaShameOnYou #IsabelPrecedent #DiasporaVoice #KioAmachree

NIGERIA: WE BLEW A GOLDEN OPPORTUNITY I have British friends who own homes that have been occupied by their families since 1066, when the first members of those families came to England with William the Conqueror and fought at Hastings, establishing the Norman kingdom. Their descendants went to school with me. Some of them still have a lot of money. Others have to open their castles and great mansions to the British public to raise funds to fix leaking roofs and pay for the enormous upkeep of their ancestral homes. None of them are snobs. None of them feel they have to prove how great they are by constantly reminding everyone of their titles or their long family histories. We grew up together, and that initial bonding has helped many of us maintain close relationships for fifty years. In Nigeria, one often has to watch one’s back with so-called friends. The element of jealousy is always there. Insecurity is part and parcel of many people’s lives. Some are paranoid that their newfound wealth does not cover up the lack of breeding they are desperately trying to portray to the public. There are a lot of fakes in Nigerian high society—a lot of people posing as highly successful when they are deeply in debt to the banks. I once wrote a piece about my father here on Facebook, and one of these people found it fit to come onto my page and write about what a great lawyer her own father was, citing all his achievements—not on her Facebook page, but on mine—as if she were trying to compete with me, angry or jealous about my father’s achievements. I never went to school in Nigeria. I left for New York in 1960 when my father was appointed to the United Nations, so most of my Nigerian friendships were made either during school holidays or during my National Service. It took me a long time to adjust to the Nigerian way of thinking: the snide comments, the ever-present need to compete, or the fawning and sucking up because of my father’s position and wealth. We children were not encouraged to go out too much because of the animosity that existed within society between my father and some of the men he had jailed during his years as one of Nigeria’s most senior prosecutors, Acting Attorney-General, Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Justice and Solicitor-General. Certain families were off limits. Going to their parties was forbidden. But children will be children. I snuck out. I lied about whose party I was going to. Why not? I was friends with their sons and daughters, and the problems of yesterday had nothing to do with us young ones. There was an oil boom going on, and it was a time of having a very good time. Nigeria was once a party country. Champagne flowed so easily that we became some of its biggest consumers. We were respected wherever we travelled. The world was our oyster. It was all systems go wherever we landed on this planet. I became very, very confident and very proud to be a Nigerian. I do not know this bottom-of-the-barrel existence that millions of Nigerians are currently going through. I grew up believing there was a lot of money to be made and that only an idiot could not make it big in Nigeria. The possibilities appeared endless. Unfortunately, we blew it all. Our insecurities, many inherited from colonial rule, combined with suddenly having thirty-year-old generals, twenty-three-year-old multimillionaires and untold amounts of cash. It went to our unprepared heads. And we squandered a golden opportunity. We could have established a thousand-year Nigerian golden age, where, like my aristocratic British friends, Nigerian dynasties of achievement, education, industry and public service could have been established for generations to come. Instead, tribalism, greed, stupidity and arrogance destroyed the Nigeria of my youth. Successive governments and incompetent, corrupt leaders have left us looking to much of the world like a nation of scammers, with seemingly no sense of right and wrong. And yet I remain convinced that Nigeria can be fixed. Give me ten honest, educated, powerful Nigerians who put the country before themselves, and the transformation could begin immediately. I do not want a free bag of rice. I want constant, reliable electricity. I want cheap petroleum prices. I want three square meals a day for every Nigerian. I want jobs for every graduate. I do not want to see the same crooks who destroyed Nigeria reincarnated in another tribalist government run by another third-rate criminal. We have graduates with the right qualifications to run Nigeria properly. The flowing gowns, the endless dancing and drinking, the prostrating before men who came from nowhere and suddenly acquired political power—all of this needs to disappear from our political culture. Nigeria needs leadership that is strong and dedicated: a person with no skeletons in his political or personal past, loyal to the state, loyal to the Constitution and, above everything else, loyal to the Nigerian people. And for God’s sake, let our leader for once be in good health. The village mentality is dead. It is no longer acceptable to me, and I suspect it is no longer acceptable to millions of other Nigerians. The mistake of thinking Nigerians do not know better must be erased from the political supermarket. We can identify a fraud these days with our eyes closed. We have had too many lessons in incompetence, corruption and lies. Until the day genuine change arrives, let us start thinking as one nation, with long-term solutions to our many problems. Let the educated class emerge as leaders of this great nation—not because education alone makes someone worthy of leadership, but because Nigeria desperately needs knowledge, competence, discipline, integrity and people who understand how a modern state is supposed to work. We had our golden opportunity once. We blew it. That does not mean another Nigerian golden age is impossible. But this time we must build something designed to last—not for four years, not for one political dynasty, not for one tribe, but for generations yet unborn. God bless Nigeria. Kio Amachree Letters from Stockholm #LettersFromStockholm #KioAmachree #Nigeria #NigeriaMustWork #GoodGovernance #Leadership #NationalUnity #EndTribalism #Education #Accountability #RuleOfLaw #NigeriaForNigerians #TheKioSolution

NIGERIAN POP STARS AND THE DANGEROUS ILLUSION OF WEALTH I am amazed at the supposed wealth of Nigerian pop stars. I know no other musicians on earth who flaunt money the way Nigerians do. And I have met the giants of this industry. Bob Marley. Paul McCartney. Mick Jagger. Elton John. Rod Stewart. These were not people pretending to be international stars. They were the international stars. When McCartney came to Lagos in the seventies to record what became Band on the Run, he was already a former Beatle and one of the most famous men alive. Today he is a billionaire. Yet McCartney has always struck me as low-key, humble, polite and financially astute. His money works for him. It does not work against him. Mick Jagger studied finance and accounting at the London School of Economics before leaving to pursue the Rolling Stones. More than sixty years later, the Rolling Stones are still making money. Jagger understood very early that being a musician and understanding the business of music are two entirely different things. That should tell young Nigerian musicians something. Then I look at Nigerian stars. Private jets everywhere. Rolls-Royces. Ferraris. Lamborghinis. Jewellery. Watches. Mansions. And now Bugattis. Burna Boy has reportedly spent around $6 million, roughly nine billion naira, on a one-of-one customised Bugatti Chiron. A Bugatti. To drive around Lagos. To me, that is madness. It is money that should have been invested for the day people stop buying your music. And believe me, that day comes. I have been in this business for more than four decades. I signed my first publishing contract while I was still at law school. I have watched stars rise and I have watched them vanish. THE MUSIC BUSINESS IS A FAD BUSINESS. Very few artists keep the same level of popularity and income throughout their lives. One generation moves on. Another artist comes along. A $6 million car does not produce royalties. It does not pay dividends. It does not collect rent. It does not own copyrights. It does not own an oil block. It does not manufacture anything. It sits in a garage, costing you money every month simply to exist. And when you eventually try to sell these toys, what somebody is prepared to pay may bear very little relationship to what you originally spent. Wizkid seems addicted to private-jet travel, as do so many of them. Flying commercial appears to have become beneath a Nigerian superstar. But what exactly are they trying to prove? And to whom? I know something about private aircraft, because my father was doing this before today's Nigerian pop stars were born. Chief Godfrey Kio Jaja Amachree was the first Nigerian to own a private jet. That is not a family story. It is documented Nigerian history. Published histories of Rivers State record him as the first Nigerian private-jet owner, and record that in 1969 he brought Delta Air Charter into operation to solve the air transport problems of the Niger Delta. So when I talk about private aircraft, I am not impressed by somebody posing beside a Gulfstream for Instagram. I grew up knowing what it actually costs to keep an aircraft in the air. And there was something behind my father's lifestyle. BUSINESS. He had an oil block. He had substantial commercial interests. He had Delta Air Charter. He had assets that produced money. He understood law and he understood economics. The aircraft was not the business. The business paid for the aircraft. That is the whole difference. And that is precisely what worries me about this generation of Nigerian music stars. Where are their business managers? Who is telling them that stardom does not last? Who is telling them that a record-company advance is not free money? A huge advance is usually recoupable. Depending on the contract, the record company recovers that advance, plus recording and promotional costs, from your royalties before you see another cent. So Nigerians should stop reading headlines about a "$20 million deal" and assuming $20 million has landed in the artist's personal account for him to spend. The economics of music do not work like that. Streaming has made it even harder. Live shows, festivals, endorsements, sponsorships and publishing can make these young men serious money. But record sales and streaming are a very different animal from the enormous physical-record business of the seventies, eighties and nineties. Davido is somewhat different. He comes from a very rich family and has a completely different financial foundation. He can probably afford his playthings. The others need to start planning ahead. Because stardom is a fleeting experience. Anybody who thinks being one of the biggest stars in the world guarantees financial security should study Michael Jackson. Michael Jackson made sums of money that no Nigerian artist has come close to over an entire career. Thriller alone was a phenomenon the streaming generation has never experienced. Yet when he died, his finances were in ruins. Estate court filings put his debts at more than $500 million. Think about that. MICHAEL JACKSON WAS MORE THAN HALF A BILLION DOLLARS IN DEBT. If it could happen to Michael Jackson, it can happen to anybody. So my advice to these young Nigerian stars is simple. Enjoy your success. But invest your money. Buy property. Buy businesses. Buy shares. Build companies. Invest internationally. Own your publishing. Own your masters wherever you can. I have owned my catalogue since 1981, and it still pays me. No car ever has. Build something that produces money when nobody wants to pay you a million dollars to perform anymore. And above everything else, employ serious business managers, accountants and lawyers who have the courage to tell you NO. No, you do not need another Rolls-Royce. No, you do not need another watch. No, you do not need another private-jet photograph. And no, spending $6 million on a car does not make you $6 million richer. Spending money and having money are two completely different things. My father understood that in 1969. He could own a private jet and operate Delta Air Charter because there was an economic machine underneath the lifestyle. That is the lesson. Do not build the lifestyle and then scramble to earn enough to maintain it. BUILD THE MACHINE FIRST. Because the applause eventually stops. The crowds eventually thin out. Another star eventually appears. And when that happens, nobody will care how many Bugattis you once photographed yourself beside. The only question that will matter is: WHAT DO YOU STILL OWN? Kio Amachree President, SKJ Records Sweden #NigerianMusic #Afrobeats #BurnaBoy #Wizkid #Davido #PaulMcCartney #MickJagger #MichaelJackson #MusicBusiness #FinancialLiteracy #PrivateJets #DeltaAirCharter #GodfreyAmachree #MusicIndustry #ArtistManagement #Investing #SKJRecords #LettersFromStockholm

GREED, MALICE AND ARROGANCE written by Kio Amachree SKJ Records 2026 Intro Greed! Malice! Arrogance! Na so dem take cover the land. Greed! Malice! Ignorance! Wetin dey happen for we country? Verse 1 Greed and malice don full everywhere, Arrogance dey waka like nobody care, Ignorance dey rule, law no matter, Constitution dem tear am scatter-scatter. Dem no fear law, Dem no get shame, Anything happen Na another man dem blame. People dey suffer, Big man dey chop, People dey shout, But dem tell dem make dem stop. Chorus Greed, malice and arrogance, Na wetin cover the land. Greed, malice and ignorance, Na wetin we no understand. Who dey rig the vote? Who dey spoil the revolution? Who dey laugh the people And dey piss on Constitution? Greed! Malice! Arrogance! Enough don reach! Verse 2 Which kind institution Dey rig election? Which kind democracy Dey fear population? Dem dey brag, Dem dey shout, Dem dey behave like say Nobody fit call dem out. Drunken behaviour, Big-big mouth, Every day dem dey talk, North, east, west and south. Meanwhile oga take cover, For Babylon land, People dey ask question, Nobody understand. Chorus Greed, malice and arrogance, Na wetin cover the land. Greed, malice and ignorance, Na wetin we no understand. Who dey rig the vote? Who dey spoil the revolution? Who dey laugh the people And dey piss on Constitution? Bridge Babylon! Babylon! How long you go run? Babylon! Babylon! You no fit hide the sun. Power no be forever, Chair no belong to you. Country belong to people— Na dat one remain true. Breakdown Dem rig am! Dem brag am! Dem scatter am! Then dem tell us Make we clap for am! No! Constitution dey! Law dey! People dey! And people get something to say! Final Chorus Greed, malice and arrogance, Don cover everywhere. Greed, malice and ignorance, But people don dey aware. You fit brag, You fit hide, You fit run go Babylon, But government go come and go— Na the people carry on. Outro Greed! Malice! Arrogance! How long? Greed! Malice! Ignorance! How long? Babylon power— E no dey last forever. People power— Na forever.

TINUBU, COME HOME AND FACE NIGERIA — OR RESIGN I am tired of being careful about this. Nigeria is not Cameroon, Paris is not Aso Rock, and Bola Tinubu is not Paul Biya. You cannot disappear into Europe for weeks, call it a “working vacation,” govern more than 230 million people by telephone and expect Nigerians to behave as though this is normal. The Presidency says Tinubu left Nigeria on 30 August, spent a week in London, moved on to Paris and has continued “directing the affairs of the nation” from abroad. His stay was then extended. Enough. Nigeria has a Vice-President. Nigeria has a Constitution. Nigeria has institutions. And Tinubu swore an oath to defend that Constitution. So Nigerians are entitled to ask what constitutional arrangements were made during this prolonged absence and exactly how Section 145 has been dealt with. But there is an even bigger question now: WHY DOES THE PRESIDENT OF NIGERIA KEEP REFUSING TO GO TO THE UNITED NATIONS GENERAL ASSEMBLY IN NEW YORK? Tinubu attended UNGA in 2023. He did not attend in 2024. He did not attend in 2025. And now he is not attending in 2026. That makes three consecutive UN General Assemblies at which Vice-President Kashim Shettima has represented Nigeria instead. This year makes the questions even louder because Nigeria’s Permanent Representative to the UN had previously said Tinubu had given his word that he would attend. Instead, Tinubu remained in Europe and Shettima went to New York. So stop insulting Nigerians by pretending that asking why is somehow unreasonable. I am asking. Why will Bola Tinubu not go to New York? And while Nigerians ask that question, there is an American federal court case involving FBI and DEA records concerning Tinubu. That is not gossip. That is not something invented on Nigerian social media. That litigation exists in the United States District Court for the District of Columbia before Judge Beryl Howell. The court’s 2025 opinion concerned FOIA requests for FBI and DEA investigative records relating to an early-1990s Chicago heroin-trafficking and money-laundering investigation. The court ordered the FBI and DEA to search for and process responsive non-exempt records. And Tinubu’s lawyers have subsequently sought to prevent disclosure of some of those records on privacy grounds. Let me also be precise because facts matter: The current Washington litigation is a FOIA disclosure case. It is not a criminal prosecution of Tinubu, and no judgment in that case has convicted him of drug trafficking. The Presidency itself stresses that distinction. Fine. Then release whatever the law says should be released and let the documents speak for themselves. But Nigerians have every right to connect the political questions in front of them and demand answers. Why does our President repeatedly avoid America’s biggest annual gathering of world leaders? Why is he spending this extended period in Europe? Why is there continuing litigation over American law-enforcement records connected with investigations from the 1990s? And there is another question Nigerians are entitled to ask without indulging in rumours: What is the state of the President’s health? I am not going to diagnose Tinubu from photographs or internet videos. Nobody outside his medical team can responsibly do that. But when the President of 230 million people spends extended periods abroad, repeatedly delegates major international engagements and provides the public with little information about the reasons for those absences, Nigerians are perfectly entitled to demand transparency. If his health is good, tell Nigerians. If there is a medical problem materially affecting his ability to perform his duties, Nigerians deserve appropriate disclosure. The Presidency belongs to the Nigerian people. It is not a private family business. And if Tinubu no longer wants to spend his time in Nigeria doing the extraordinarily demanding job he fought so hard to obtain, there is a perfectly constitutional solution: RESIGN. Nobody forced him to become President. Nobody is forcing him to remain President. If the burden of governing Nigeria is too great, resign and allow the constitutional process to take its course. What I will not accept is the gradual transformation of Nigeria into a country governed from European hotels, residences and meeting rooms while Nigerians at home are told that everything is perfectly normal. It isn’t. And Tinubu should remember something else. Sri Lanka. Bangladesh. Nepal. Different countries. Different circumstances. Different political histories. But one lesson runs through political history everywhere: Never confuse the patience of the people with weakness. If Tinubu wants dissent, he is going to get dissent. If he wants Nigerians asking questions, we will ask them. If he wants Nigerians challenging his government, they will challenge it. If he wants a political fight over the Constitution, accountability and the integrity of the 2027 election, then Nigerians have every democratic right to give him that fight. And I mean a political, constitutional and peaceful democratic fight. In the courts. In the newspapers. Online. Through civil society. Through peaceful demonstrations. And finally at the ballot box. Do not rig 2027. Do not intimidate Nigerians. Do not misuse the security services. Do not assume another four years belong to you. Do not mistake presidential power for ownership of Nigeria. Because the anger in Nigeria is real. People are struggling. People are tired. People are watching. And every additional display of arrogance adds another log to the fire. Tinubu should be trying to lower the political temperature of Nigeria, not raising it. He should be answering questions, not creating new ones. And he should be governing from Nigeria, accountable to Nigerians. Come home. Face the Nigerian people. Explain the prolonged European stay. Explain the repeated UNGA absences. Let the American courts determine what FBI and DEA material must lawfully be disclosed. Give Nigerians proper transparency about your capacity to perform the office. Respect the Constitution. Guarantee that the 2027 election will be free and credible. And if you cannot or will not do those things: RESIGN. Nigeria is bigger than Bola Tinubu. Nigeria is bigger than APC. Nigeria is bigger than Aso Rock. And Nigeria certainly does not belong to one man. You wanted the Presidency. Now do the job — from Nigeria, under the Constitution, accountable to the Nigerian people — or step aside. #LettersFromStockholm #Tinubu #Nigeria #UNGA81 #FBI #DEA #Section145 #NigerianConstitution #RuleOfLaw #2027Elections #Accountability #Democracy #AsoRock #NigeriaDecides

Stop Telling Me to Stop Writing About My Father I must repeat this warning to those suffering from inferiority complexes: stop telling me to stop writing about my late father. If you have a problem with it, leave my page. Unfollow me. Go and write about your own parents and your own family. This is my page, this is my family history, and Chief Godfrey Kio Jaja Amachree QC was my father—not yours. Chief Godfrey Amachree was an important part of Nigerian history. He cannot be erased simply because his extraordinary achievements make some people jealous or uncomfortable. My father influenced Nigerian law, sports, diplomacy, the oil industry and business. He accomplished more in one lifetime than most people could accomplish in several. Young Nigerians deserve to know who he was and what his generation contributed to the country. Before I began writing publicly about him, he was virtually unknown to the present generation. The strange thing is that he told us, his own children, almost nothing about his achievements. We knew him principally as a successful lawyer. I had to discover much of the rest of his life for myself. I wish to God he had sat me down and told me his story. Instead, he remained silent, issued instructions and expected me to be a mind reader. That created many problems between father and son. Parents must talk to their children. They cannot simply order them towards goals without explaining their experiences, expectations and reasons. My father made a serious mistake by failing to communicate with me in a sensible, open father-and-son manner. I am not alone in saying this. Many of my friends who were raised by powerful men of my father’s generation make the same complaint. Their fathers maintained a distance from their children. They commanded rather than explained. Their children respected them and sometimes feared them, but did not always truly know them. That was wrong. As his eldest child and son, however, I must also tell the whole truth: my father was extremely generous to me. When it came to money, I was probably more spoilt than any of my siblings. I never lacked anything at school. He wanted me to compete confidently with the wealthy white children around me. He never wanted me to feel inferior to anybody. But if I misbehaved or returned home with a bad school report, there was serious trouble. Discipline in those days could be severe, including a good beating. My father demanded excellence. Failure without effort was unacceptable to him. He was charismatic, commanding and a natural-born leader. He was also extremely generous to his friends. The higher he climbed, the more he did for the men with whom he had attended King’s College Lagos and Government College Umuahia. Those old school friends were among the very few people who could make Godfrey Amachree sit up and listen. They could tell him the truth directly. Among them, there was no “big man” and no “Chief.” They spoke to one another as schoolboys who had known each other long before the titles, positions and money arrived. I have the same relationship with some of my old Eton friends. They knew me before anything else and are therefore unimpressed by position or reputation. One night at a London casino, I watched my godfather, Ambassador Ade Martins—one of my father’s old King’s College friends—dress my father down as if they were still at school. I burst out laughing. Very few people would have dared to speak to my father that way, but an old school friend could. When Chief Matthew Mbu, who had served as Biafra’s foreign minister, returned to Lagos after the Civil War, my father gave him a place in his law chambers and appointed him to the boards of several of his companies. He did this so that his old friend would not have difficulty readjusting to postwar Nigeria. My father never forgot his old school friends. Odein Ajumogobia’s father was another of them, and my father appointed him managing director of his Radiators company in Port Harcourt. That was friendship as their generation understood it: not empty praise and not public performance, but practical help when a friend needed it. During the Congo Crisis, my father served at the highest levels of the United Nations as Under-Secretary-General for Trusteeship and Non-Self-Governing Territories. Nigerian military officers who later became national leaders—including Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi and Yakubu Gowon—served in the Congo during that historic period. When Justice Charles Dadi Onyeama’s path to an international judicial appointment was obstructed, my father used his position and international relationships to help overcome the resistance. Onyeama eventually became the first Nigerian judge to sit at the International Court of Justice in The Hague. These are not stories that should be allowed to disappear. At my father’s dinner table, I listened while remarkable men laughed and joked about their days at Cambridge University, the London School of Economics, King’s College and Government College Umuahia. Sitting quietly among them was an education in law, politics, business, diplomacy and human character. My father served twice as chairman of the Nigerian Football Association. When your father is involved at that level of national and international sport, you begin learning at a young age how institutions operate, how negotiations are conducted and how national interests are represented. Why should I, as an educated man and his eldest son, keep these memories to myself—especially when Nigeria is suffering from such a catastrophic shortage of genuine leadership? Young Nigerians deserve to know that there was once a time when giants walked through Nigeria: educated, disciplined, honest and hardworking men who built institutions, defended professional standards and understood that public service was greater than personal enrichment. At the Metropolitan Club in Victoria Island, the great lawyers, judges, civil servants and businessmen of that generation—including men such as Rotimi Williams and Adetokunbo Ademola—would meet for lunch. They had started their journeys at roughly the same time. Some had money and some did not, but many of them eventually rose to the highest levels of Nigerian life. When they gathered, however, they behaved as though they were still students at King’s College. It was a sight to behold. Yet Chief Godfrey Kio Jaja Amachree has received no meaningful national recognition proportionate to his record. No national honour worthy of his contribution. No important street named after him. No statue. No lasting public memorial. Nothing. I have written repeatedly to the Rivers State Government, but my letters have been ignored, buried or forgotten. A man who played a central role in the political struggle that produced Rivers State is treated as though he meant nothing to the history of the state. Cambridge University and Pembroke College have recognised and commemorated my father as one of their distinguished legal graduates. Yet in Nigeria, the country he served, we behave as though remembering our builders is an inconvenience. Those determined to erase him have a problem. His eldest son, Kio Amachree, is alive. I am very much present. I possess the memories, the documents and the ability to put my thoughts down on paper. I will continue writing about my father for as long as I choose. My account will not be dishonest hero worship. I will write about his greatness, generosity, discipline and historic achievements. I will also write about his emotional distance, his mistakes as a father and the difficulties those mistakes created between us. That is what an honest family history requires. So keep your foolish and insulting comments to yourself. This is my page. This is my family. This is Nigerian history. And this was my father. Kio Amachree Eldest Son of Chief Godfrey Kio Jaja Amachree QC #GodfreyAmachree #NigerianHistory #RiversStateHistory #LegalHistory #AfricanDiplomacy #NigerianFootball #PublicService #NationalRecognition #Leadership #FamilyLegacy #KingsCollegeLagos #GovernmentCollegeUmuahia #CambridgeUniversity #PembrokeCollege #InternationalCourtOfJustice #LettersFromStockholm #KioAmachree

THE CHAGOURY PROBLEM: WHY ONE POWERFUL FAMILY COULD PUT NIGERIA’S ENTIRE LEBANESE COMMUNITY IN AN UNCOMFORTABLE POSITION Letters from Stockholm | Kio Amachree There is a question that I believe the Lebanese community in Nigeria should begin asking itself. What happens to the reputation of tens of thousands of Lebanese and Lebanese-Nigerians if Gilbert Chagoury’s extraordinary relationship with political power in Nigeria becomes synonymous, in the public mind, with the Lebanese community itself? That would be profoundly unfair. The Lebanese did not arrive in Nigeria yesterday. According to the Lebanese Consulate in Lagos, the community traces its Nigerian history to 1890, when Elias Khoury arrived in Lagos from Miziara in northern Lebanon. Today the Consulate estimates that between 30,000 and 100,000 Lebanese and people of Lebanese heritage live in Nigeria, including families in their third and fourth generations. (Lebanese Consulate General⁠) They have become woven into Nigerian commercial life. Lebanese businesses have operated in construction, manufacturing, telecommunications, food and beverages, textiles, retail, hospitality, property development, agriculture, finance and other industries. The Lebanese community has built churches, businesses and charitable organisations and funded educational programmes. (Lebanese Consulate General⁠) This history matters because Gilbert Chagoury is not the Lebanese community of Nigeria. And Nigeria must never make the mistake of treating him as though he represents every Lebanese businessman or every Lebanese-Nigerian family. But the reverse is equally important. The organised Lebanese community should understand the reputational danger created when one extraordinarily powerful Lebanese-Nigerian businessman becomes so closely associated with successive centres of Nigerian political power. THE CHAGOURYS AND POWER The relationship between the Chagoury family and Nigerian political power did not begin with Bola Tinubu. Reporting about Gilbert Chagoury’s relationship with the late General Sani Abacha goes back decades. The Washington Post reported in 1998 that the family’s businesses expanded dramatically during the Abacha period and described Gilbert Chagoury as a familiar presence around the presidential villa. (The Washington Post⁠) Human Rights Watch subsequently discussed the political influence of the Chagoury brothers in relation to Nigeria’s oil industry during the Abacha period. (Refworld⁠) That history cannot simply be erased. Now, decades later, Chagoury is again extraordinarily close to the Nigerian presidency. President Bola Tinubu has publicly described Gilbert Chagoury in deeply affectionate terms. And in January 2026, Tinubu conferred upon him the Grand Commander of the Order of the Niger — GCON — Nigeria’s second-highest national honour. (Premium Times Nigeria⁠) That alone would attract attention. But there is much more. Hitech Construction, part of the Chagoury business empire, received the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway project. The award has been politically controversial because it proceeded without a conventional open competitive tender; Works Minister David Umahi has defended the procurement route and the government’s choice of Hitech. (OCCRP⁠) Then there are the family connections. Investigative reporting based upon leaked corporate documents established that Seyi Tinubu and Ronald Chagoury Jr. were shareholders in a British Virgin Islands company. Seyi Tinubu has also served on the board of CDK Integrated Industries, another Chagoury-linked company. (OCCRP⁠) None of those facts by themselves proves corruption. That distinction is important. But collectively they create perfectly legitimate questions about conflicts of interest, transparency, procurement and proximity to political power. Those questions should be answered with documents and disclosure rather than insults. THE SCALE OF THE LEBANESE STAKE IN NIGERIA This is where the issue becomes much larger than Gilbert Chagoury. The Lebanese commercial presence in Nigeria is enormous and historic. The Lebanese Consulate itself describes the diaspora as a major force across multiple sectors of the Nigerian economy. Lebanese families have spent generations building companies in Nigeria. (Lebanese Consulate General⁠) Take just one historical example. Academic research into the Lebanese community in Ibadan documented major Lebanese involvement in companies including Seven-Up Bottling and Sumal Foods, alongside numerous trading and manufacturing enterprises. (ResearchGate⁠) And that is merely Ibadan. Extend the picture to Lagos, Kano, Abuja and Port Harcourt and you begin to understand how deeply Lebanese entrepreneurship has become embedded in Nigerian economic life. These people employ Nigerians. They manufacture products Nigerians consume. They pay taxes. They build factories. Their children and grandchildren have grown up in Nigeria. Some consider themselves Nigerian before anything else. Faysal El-Khalil, then chairman of the Lebanese community in Lagos, put it very clearly during a community donation to Lagos State in 2020. He said many Lebanese families were already second, third and fourth generation and described them as Nigerians who were proud to be so. (Punch Newspapers⁠) That is precisely why the Chagoury controversy should concern them. ONE FAMILY MUST NOT BECOME THE FACE OF AN ENTIRE COMMUNITY There is already public resentment in Nigeria concerning the economic influence of foreigners and politically connected businessmen. That atmosphere can become dangerous very quickly. Nigeria has experienced enough ethnic, religious and communal tension to know what happens when anger against an individual is transferred onto an entire group. If evidence were eventually produced establishing corruption involving particular Chagoury businesses and members of the Tinubu administration, responsibility should belong to the individuals and companies proved to have participated in it — not Lebanese people generally. That distinction must be defended fiercely. A Lebanese shopkeeper in Kano has nothing to do with a federal highway contract. A Lebanese-Nigerian manufacturer in Ibadan has nothing to do with Seyi Tinubu. A fourth-generation Lebanese family in Lagos should not suddenly find itself answering questions about Gilbert Chagoury. And a Lebanese engineer who has spent thirty years creating jobs in Nigeria should not become the target of resentment because another businessman enjoys exceptional access to the presidency. Collective guilt is wrong. BUT SILENCE CARRIES ITS OWN RISK I searched extensively for a current public statement from the Lebanese Union of Nigeria, the Lebanese Nigerian Initiative or recognised Lebanese community leadership addressing the controversies surrounding Chagoury’s relationship with the Tinubu administration. I could not find one. That does not mean these organisations privately approve or disapprove of him. It means simply that I could find no public position establishing either. And perhaps the community organisations believe that an individual businessman’s relationship with government is none of their business. Normally I would agree. But there comes a point where enormous political visibility creates a reputational problem for everybody sharing the same community identity. The Lebanese Nigerian Initiative was created by Lebanese business leaders precisely to strengthen relations between Nigerians and the Lebanese community. It has financed scholarships and charitable initiatives and repeatedly emphasised giving something back to the country in which Lebanese families prospered. (The Guardian Nigeria⁠) That reputation took generations to build. It should not be endangered by the actions of anybody. SPECIAL ACCESS IS THE REAL ISSUE My concern is not that Gilbert Chagoury is Lebanese. His ethnicity is irrelevant to whether government contracts were properly awarded. The issue is whether any businessman — Lebanese, Yoruba, Hausa, Igbo, Ijaw, British, Chinese or Martian — enjoys access to Nigerian political power unavailable to ordinary competitors. That is the question. Why this company? Why this procurement method? Who competed? Who evaluated the proposals? What declarations of potential conflicts of interest were made? What relationships existed between politically exposed persons and companies connected with successful contractors? Publish the documents. That is how a democracy resolves suspicion. Not tribal arguments. Not xenophobia. Not propaganda. Documents. TINUBU’S GCON TO CHAGOURY MAKES THE QUESTION BIGGER The decision by President Tinubu to award Gilbert Chagoury the GCON in January 2026 makes scrutiny even more unavoidable. This is not an ordinary decoration. It is Nigeria’s second-highest national honour. (Premium Times Nigeria⁠) When a president gives such an extraordinary honour to a close friend whose business interests are simultaneously benefiting from major government projects, Nigerians are entitled to examine the relationship. That examination does not establish wrongdoing. It establishes accountability. There is a difference. THE LEBANESE COMMUNITY HAS TOO MUCH TO LOSE Lebanese families have spent more than a century creating a remarkable position for themselves in Nigeria. Their story began with traders and merchants and developed into factories, construction companies, supermarkets, telecommunications businesses, hotels, restaurants, property companies and some of Nigeria’s most recognisable commercial enterprises. That achievement should not be casually discarded. Nor should Nigerians turn legitimate anger about government procurement into anti-Lebanese hostility. But the organised Lebanese community should recognise the danger. If investigations ever establish corrupt dealings between politically connected Nigerian officials and individual Lebanese-Nigerian businessmen, the backlash could extend far beyond the people actually responsible. That is how public anger works. It generalises. And that would be disastrous. NIGERIA MUST INVESTIGATE INDIVIDUALS — NOT ETHNIC GROUPS So my message is actually two messages. To Nigerians: Do not blame the Lebanese community for Gilbert Chagoury. Investigate contracts. Investigate companies. Investigate politicians. Investigate beneficial ownership. Investigate conflicts of interest. Follow the money. But never turn legitimate demands for accountability into xenophobia. And to the Lebanese community: Do not allow anybody’s relationship with political power to place 130 years of Lebanese-Nigerian history at risk. Your community is much bigger than one billionaire. Much bigger than one family. Much bigger than one government. The Lebanese presence in Nigeria existed before Bola Tinubu was born and will almost certainly continue long after his presidency has disappeared into history. That relationship is worth protecting. Transparency protects it. Distance from political patronage protects it. And insisting that every Lebanese businessman plays by exactly the same rules as every Nigerian businessman protects it. Because if the Chagoury-Tinubu relationship ultimately survives scrutiny, transparency will help establish that. If wrongdoing is eventually established through credible evidence and due process, then those responsible should answer for it individually. Either way, tens of thousands of Lebanese and Lebanese-Nigerians should never be made to carry the consequences of another man’s actions. Nigeria should investigate power — not ethnicity. And the Lebanese community should protect 130 years of goodwill by making that distinction unmistakably clear. #LettersFromStockholm #KioAmachree #Nigeria #Lebanon #LebaneseCommunity #GilbertChagoury #ChagouryGroup #BolaTinubu #Transparency #Accountability #Corruption #LagosCalabarCoastalHighway #NigerianBusiness #LebaneseNigerians #PublicProcurement #ConflictOfInterest #FollowTheMoney

NOTHING IN NIGERIA MAKES SENSE TO ME Nothing in Nigeria makes sense to me, and I mean nothing. The scale of chaos, indiscipline and criminality is too much for me to comprehend. And let me tell you, writing about it every day doesn’t do my brain any good. It is so depressing. The one good thing to come out of it is that other Nigerians, angry and fed up with the Tinubu regime, have started voicing their opinions openly without fear of the DSS or police. And I have been reliably informed that these two government agencies are themselves not happy with the problems facing each and every Nigerian. No DSS officer is going to be happy if Tinubu is eventually exposed by the American files as having been involved in drug trafficking, and defending him cannot be easy while Nigerians are asking why their President repeatedly stays away from the United Nations in New York. My powerful friends in Washington, some of whom I have known since I was a child in the 1960s living in New York, tell me that Tinubu has got a lot to answer for and that there is much more to this story. And now Greenspan has raised the possibility of a fourth criminal indictment under seal, although he himself says he cannot prove that it exists. Tinubu was up to no good in the 1990s. I am being told that when he was caught, he spilled the beans on the rest of the drug gang. I am also being told that he did not stop trading in drugs after he forfeited the $460,000 and that the files contain information about this. These are extremely serious allegations being relayed to me by people I have known for decades, and the American records will ultimately show what is true and what is not. I am further being told that there is anger within American law-enforcement circles over the whole affair and that whatever protection Tinubu may once have enjoyed will not protect him if the evidence says otherwise. One thing I know for certain: becoming President of Nigeria was a big mistake for Bola Tinubu. The presidency put an international magnifying glass over a past that might otherwise have remained buried. It reminds me of Pablo Escobar getting into politics and suddenly attracting the kind of scrutiny that eventually exposed him. I am making the comparison about what political prominence can do to a man’s hidden past — not claiming the two men’s cases are legally identical. I am hearing these things from very senior politicians, some of whom I have known for fifty years. If Tinubu ever decides to sue me over what I have reported being told, then those people may have to put what they know into sworn statements. Meanwhile, he is in Paris while questions continue to be asked about why he is not personally representing Nigeria at the United Nations in New York. He really should consider resigning. The whole thing is becoming a serious problem for Nigeria’s image and reputation. He can cite health reasons if he wishes. But if and when he comes home, he needs to understand that from the minute his plane touches Nigerian ground, he is coming back to a very different political atmosphere. People are fed up with the man. Kio Amachree Letters from Stockholm #Nigeria #BolaTinubu #TinubuFiles #FBI #DEA #AaronGreenspan #UNGA81 #NigeriaPolitics #LettersFromStockholm