Bottom line for anyone following this: the pro-general category movement has moved from social media complaints to organized street protests, hunger strikes, and deadline politics. The demands are specific. The question now is whether the government engages before October 25 or after the highways are blocked .
The hunger strike is a strategic escalation. By putting women front and center, the Karni Sena is raising the stakes. Shekhawat's warning: "If anything happens to the women on hunger strike, the government will be responsible." This is pressure politics, and it's working—the media is covering it .
Here's what's missing from the past 48 hours: any response from the central or Rajasthan government to these demands. No statement, no committee, no concession. The October 25 Sabha will be the test. Silence from the government is being read as indifference .
The EWS angle matters here. One of the six demands at the October 25 Sabha is "simplification of EWS provisions." The current land-based criteria don't account for regional differences—5 acres in Rajasthan desert ≠ 5 acres in fertile Punjab. This is a reform issue within the general category itself
Rashtriya Karni Sena president Shiv Singh Shekhawat's words: the new UGC guidelines are "a sword hanging over the necks" of general category youth. Whether you agree or not, this is the sentiment driving the protests. Ignoring it won't make it go away .
The core objection to UGC 2026: it defines caste-based discrimination as applying only to SC/ST/OBC. General category students are excluded from protection. Critics say this creates a system where one group is presumed oppressor and the other presumed victim, with no mechanism to penalize false complaints .
What exactly are the general category demands? The list is concrete: withdraw UGC guidelines, reform reservation system, amend SC/ST Act, simplify EWS provisions, establish Savarna Aayog. These aren't vague complaints—they're specific asks .
Mark the date: October 25. Jaipur's Vidyadhar Nagar stadium. "Savarna Aakrosh Sabha." Organizers claim people from multiple states will attend. If demands aren't met, they've threatened to block cities and highways across Rajasthan .
In Jammu, Dogra Brahman Pratinidhi Sabha held a meeting with the same demand: withdraw the UGC guidelines. Their argument: the new rules give committees unchecked authority with no safeguards for general category students. "Anyone could be falsely accused and have their academic career destroyed" .
Rashtriya Karni Sena's women's wing president Lakshmi Tanwar has begun an indefinite hunger strike in Jaipur. The demand: withdraw the new UGC guidelines, reform reservation, and establish a Savarna Commission. The organization says the protest will continue until demands are met .
Real reforms worth debating:
• creamy layer within SC/ST?
• income/wealth criteria alongside caste?
• transparent data on who benefits
• faster courts
• police reform
• better public education, health, jobs
This is the serious conversation.
What is not serious:
Blaming marginalised communities for a hierarchy they were born at the bottom of.
You can hate bad policy.
You can’t use bad policy to justify caste hate.
Bottom line:
Reservations & SC/ST Act didn’t make India casteist.
Casteism made them necessary.
If you want a casteless India:
mix, educate, employ, intermarry, equal dignity.
Not scapegoat.
SC/ST Act didn’t create atrocities.
It tried to punish them.
Conviction rates are low.
Atrocities still reported: violence, rape, boycott, denial of dignity.
False cases? Yes.
Every criminal law has them.
That’s a police/court problem, not proof the law is unnecessary.
Does it keep caste alive?
Caste stays alive through marriage, land, capital, networks, temples, politics, everyday insult.
Remove SC/ST Act tomorrow—caste won’t vanish.
Victims will just lose legal cover.
Does reservation make India backward?
India’s backwardness: weak schools, poor health, unemployment, corruption, inequality, weak state capacity.
Quotas are not why hospitals and schools fail.
Some quota designs need reform.
That’s different from “Dalits/Adivasis are the problem.”
But here’s what breaks the “made India casteist” claim:
Caste didn’t start in 1950.
Untouchability, segregation, violence, denied dignity—all existed before reservations.
Law responded to caste.
Caste didn’t respond to law.