Have a look at the Highlights tab in my profile. All the posts have links to source materials, books, legislation, etc. Book wise; to understand our fundamental Common Law Rights I think Blackstone explains it clearly. The Chapter on 'Absolute Rights'. And for the principles of our Constitution I choose one of the framers of the Declaration of Rights and Bill of Rights, John Somers. Well, he should know, right? 'The Judgment of Whole Kingdoms and Nations, Concerning the Rights, Power, and Prerogative of Kings, And The Rights, Priviledges, and Properties Of The People' Links to both of these can be found in my posts mentioned above. There is also my website, link in profile. Also, I've a few books stored online. Link on the Library tab on my website.

When pregnant mice with B12 deficiency were given folic acid at doses that would induce unmetabolised folic acid in the blood, there were effects on the offspring, grandchildren and great grandchildren.

Of paganism we mean only this: a deep connection to all living things.

Zack Polanski, née David Paulden, belongs in an asylum.

In 1967 Britain had more electric vehicles on its roads than every other country on earth put together, and they were all delivering milk. There were tens of thousands of them. The milk float: open sided, battery under the floor, top speed of about 15 miles an hour, and a whine you could pick out in your sleep. It was charged overnight at the depot and was back there by lunchtime. It carried glass bottles. Each one was collected from your step the next morning, washed and refilled. A bottle went round like that 20 or 30 times before it broke. The foil cap went for scrap. There was no other packaging. The milk had come from farms within a few miles, through a local dairy, and was on the step before 7. So here is what the country had. A zero-emission delivery fleet. Reusable containers with a return rate any modern scheme would kill for. No plastic. A supply chain you could cycle the length of. A man who noticed if an old lady's bottles were piling up, and knocked. It was dismantled in about 15 years, because a supermarket could sell milk a few pence cheaper in a plastic jug as a way of getting you through the door. Every piece of that system is now the subject of a government target for 2040. It was running in 1967, silently, in the dark, and nobody thought it was worth a mention.

I just found the most brilliant bit by @JohnCleese He explains Leftism better in 90 seconds, than you could learn from any academic in 20 years.

#LondonStudentCoalition Once again @metpoliceuk dealing with foreign issues / NON natives... @LabourSJ No statement issued about the genocide by substitution that has taken place in London and what they are doing about it. @MetCC @RupertLowe10

The companies that make your medicines have criminal records, and the convictions are for lying about the medicines. 2007: Purdue pays $600 million for misleading doctors about OxyContin. It carries on trading. 2009: Eli Lilly pays $1.4 billion for pushing an antipsychotic onto dementia patients. It carries on trading. 2009: Pfizer pays $2.3 billion for promoting a painkiller at doses the regulator had refused. It carries on trading. 2010: AstraZeneca pays $520 million for marketing an antipsychotic to children and the elderly. It carries on trading. 2011: Merck pays $950 million over Vioxx. It carries on trading. 2012: Abbott pays $1.5 billion for selling an epilepsy drug to nursing homes as a way of keeping residents quiet. It carries on trading. 2012: GlaxoSmithKline pays $3 billion, part of it for selling an antidepressant for children on a trial that had failed. It carries on trading. 2013: Johnson & Johnson pays $2.2 billion for pushing an antipsychotic onto children and dementia patients. It carries on trading. Eight companies, more than $12 billion, and not one executive in a cell. The antipsychotic in that last case had taken about ten times the fine in sales. The fine was a line in the accounts, entered in advance. These are the firms that run the trials under your guideline, brief your doctor on the results and print the sheet folded inside the box. A man with one of those convictions could not get a job behind a pharmacy counter. They stock the pharmacy.

Our forebears forbade Islam (Mahometanism) in England. 👇 1. x.com/SecretPeopleTSP/status… 2. x.com/SecretPeopleTSP/status… 3. x.com/SecretPeopleTSP/status… .

A mass boycott of Hovis is underway following the employee who was sacked after confronting two Muslim men who were conducting Islamic prayers in the locker room. Since then, employees of other companies have revealed how they have experienced similar - Muslims praying in workplaces, washing their feet in public sinks, and imposing their religion on everyone else. Some people argue that there is nothing wrong with praying where you want. The difference is that whipping out a prayer mat when your colleagues are there to work is not acceptable. It is an imposition, an unwelcome element of Islamic culture that has no place in Britain. The Hovis incident is an outrage. It is a prime example of the way companies kowtow to Islam. This man worked there for 20 years and was turfed out for exercising his right to do his job. There should be a flat-out ban on Muslims praying or washing their feet in public places at work. The only people who disagree are Muslims themselves who defend this practice and repeatedly display a lack of respect for our customs. Hovis should be ashamed - this is not an Islamic state and no company should be prioritising the customs or culture of this religion before our own.

In 1253 a Flemish friar rode to the Mongol court for the King of France, ate what they ate for two years, and came home with the only honest report Europe ever got on how the machine was fed. William of Rubruck was not a diplomat. He was a fat Franciscan who walked when he could and complained when he could not, and his account of the Mongols is the best there is because he wrote down the food. The first thing he learned was that a sheep was not a meal. It was a supply. The Mongols cut a single sheep into small pieces on a board, salted the water it was boiled in, and fed 50 or 100 men on it, each man taking his morsel and sucking the bone clean of marrow before it went back in the pot. Nothing was thrown away. A sheep that would have fed a French household for two days fed a Mongol company for one and left them fit to ride. The second thing was that they did not drink water. Rubruck says they were most careful never to touch it plain. In summer the whole nation lived on koumiss, mare's milk churned in a skin until it fermented, and he describes his own first cup with a monk's precision: it bit the tongue like raspberry wine, left the taste of almond milk behind it, went straight to the bladder, and made a weak head drunk. The lords drank a clear version called black koumiss and gave the thick white lees to the servants, who slept on it. Rubruck drank it, sweated from head to foot, and admitted that it was pleasant. That was the water supply of a mounted army: a herd of mares that walked beside it and refilled every morning. The third thing was that nothing that died went to waste. With herds that size, he wrote, animals died every day, and every one of them was eaten without distinction. In winter, when the milk stopped, they lived on meat and on the dried curd they had made all summer, a hard cheese that kept for years and dissolved in water in the flask. In summer, so long as the mares were in milk, they wanted nothing else at all. He saw no bread. He saw no field. He saw a people who had turned the animal into a complete supply system, water and food and fuel, that moved with the army at the army's pace and never once had to be sent for. Rubruck went home and told the King of France that the Mongols could not be converted and could not be beaten, and the second half of that was a report on their dinner. A European army was a column of men walking away from its bread. A Mongol army was a herd with archers in it, and it could go anywhere the herd could. The friar had spent two years inside the greatest war machine on earth, and the thing he chose to describe in detail was one sheep feeding a hundred men. He had understood it better than any general who fought them.

English Constitution Society To His Majesty King Charles III Buckingham Palace London, SW1A 1AA @RoyalFamily @POTUS @realDonaldTrump Your Majesty, Subject: Pre-Action Protocol Letter Concerning the Inalienable Birthright of Englishmen and Women, Past Repeals of Eternal Laws including 1867 and 1947, and Perjury of the Coronation Oath to God I write to Your Majesty with the deepest reverence, as a loyal subject, on a matter piercing the soul of our constitution and Your sacred Oath to Almighty God. This letter serves as a pre-action protocol, contemplating proceedings that may amount to impeachment, should Your Majesty fail to rectify the perjury of Your Coronation Oath by upholding the inalienable rights enshrined in the English Bill of Rights 1689, Magna Carta 1215, the Charter of the Forest 1225, the Coronation Charter of Henry I 1100, and the Acts of Union 1707 and 1800—rights affirmed as the eternal birthright of all Englishmen and women by the Act of Settlement 1701. I seek to persuade Your Majesty that these rights, repeatedly declared "for ever," have been unlawfully repealed in prior reigns, notably in 1867 and 1947, that such repeals are ultra vires, void, and a sin against God, and that Your Majesty must restore their full force to honour Your vow. The English Bill of Rights 1689, a sacred trilogy of its Declaration of Reasons, Declaration of Rights, and enacting clauses, forges an unbreakable contract between Crown and people. Its enacting words thunder thrice: "All which their Majesties are contented and pleased shall be declared, enacted and established by authority of this present Parliament, and shall stand, remain and be the law of this realm for ever"—a triple seal of eternity, first for all its provisions, again as "and shall stand, remain and be the law of this realm for ever" in confirmation, and thirdly in barring any "popish prince" who "shall be excluded and be for ever incapable to inherit, possess or enjoy the crown." "For ever" brooks no end; it is absolute, eternal, admitting no repeal—not for a day, not for a reign, but all time henceforth. The Declaration of Reasons vows that "their religion, laws and liberties might not again be in danger of being subverted," a pledge that no future act—by Crown, Parliament, or any hand—can lawfully imperil these rights, locking them beyond the reach of change forevermore. The Declaration of Rights asserts them as "undoubted rights and liberties," demanding "that no declarations, judgments, doings or proceedings to the prejudice of the people in any of the said premises ought in any wise to be drawn hereafter into consequence or example"—a command that no future moment, no cunning reinterpretation, may erode them, a perpetuity as fixed as stone. It binds "all officers and ministers whatsoever" to "serve their Majesties and their successors according to the same in all times to come"—not for a fleeting season, but every hour of every age, an unending chain. The succession "shall from time to time descend" to Protestants, a rhythm of eternity pulsing through all generations. These rights—freedom of speech in Parliament, the right to petition without fear, no taxation without consent, no excessive bail or cruel punishments—are not frail statutes but pillars of liberty, cemented "for ever." Magna Carta 1215, confirmed in 1297, echoes this eternity with unrelenting force. Its first clause proclaims: "We have granted also, and given to all the freemen of our realm, for us and our heirs for ever, all the liberties written below, to have and to hold to them and their heirs of us and our heirs"—a grant not for a fleeting breath, but all time, binding every monarch, including Your Majesty, without shadow of exception. Clause 60 extends these "to be held… for ever" across the realm, a universal permanence no hand can undo. The Confirmatio Cartarum 1297 decrees it "to be kept in every point without breach" and "in perpetuity," a double lock—no violation, no end, an iron vow. These liberties—freedom from arbitrary imprisonment, justice swift and sure, limits on feudal dues—are the bedrock of English Law, declared eternal by the Crown’s own seal. The Charter of the Forest 1225, twin to Magna Carta, seals its rights with the same unyielding oath: "These liberties… we have granted to all the freemen of our realm… for ever, to have and to hold to them and their heirs"—a mirror of Magna Carta’s promise, protecting common rights against royal overreach, fixed beyond all alteration for all ages. Its "for ever" stands as a sentinel, guarding these liberties through every generation, a covenant no power may shatter. The Coronation Charter of Henry I 1100, a root of our liberties, pledges "to make free the Church of God" and abolish evil customs "for all time"—a breadth spanning every future instant, leaving no gap. It grants "the law of King Edward… to be held and observed forever" with additions—a restoration of ancient rights, made perpetual, a foundation for all later charters. These promises, sworn by a king, bind his heirs, including Your Majesty, in an unbroken line of duty stretching to eternity. The Act of Union 1707, uniting England and Scotland, adds its own eternal weight. Article I declares the two kingdoms "united into one kingdom… for ever after," and Article XIX ensures Scotland’s courts "remain in all time coming," with laws preserved unless expressly altered—terms of perpetuity locking the union and its legal frame. The Act of Union 1800, joining Great Britain and Ireland, mirrors this: Article I unites them "for ever after," a bond "in all time to come" (implied in its permanence). These Acts, part of the realm’s laws, reinforce the "for ever" of rights and governance, admitting no breach. The Act of Settlement 1701 crowns these laws as sacrosanct: "the Laws of England are the Birthright of the People thereof"—not a gift to be withdrawn, but an ineradicable inheritance, owned by every soul born to this realm, eternal as the earth itself. It mandates that "all the Kings and Queens who shall ascend the Throne of this Realm ought to administer the Government of the same according to the said Laws," and "all their Officers and Ministers ought to serve them respectively according to the same"—an eternal "ought," a command without cease, tying Your Majesty to these "for ever" rights as a birthright beyond all repeal. Yet, in prior reigns, this sacred edifice has been profaned. Provisions of the Bill of Rights—our birthright—have been repealed, notably in 1867 and 1947, alongside breaches of Magna Carta’s echoes and others. The Promissory Oaths Act 1867 altered oath structures, weakening the Bill’s "all times to come" for officers. The Statute Law Revision Act 1947 pruned its text, defying its triple "for ever." These acts, and others, are ultra vires—beyond lawful power—for no authority exists within these texts to undo what is eternal; they are void, null from their birth, as if never spoken, clashing with the immutable will of "for ever," "in perpetuity," "all time." Such repeals are a sin, a moral and divine transgression against the eternal covenant. At Your Coronation, Your Majesty swore to God: "Will you to the utmost of your power maintain the Laws of God and the true profession of the Gospel? … Will you to your power cause Law and Justice, in Mercy, to be executed in all your judgments? … The things which I have here before promised, I will perform and keep. So help me God." These laws—Magna Carta’s "for ever," the Bill’s triple "for ever," the Unions’ "for ever after," the birthright’s permanence—are the "laws and customs of the realm" sworn to divine witness. To abide the repeals of 1867, 1947, or any other, or fail to void them, perjures this Oath—a breach not merely of law, but of faith with God who heard Your vow. "So help me God" invokes divine judgment; to break "for ever" is to scorn that pact, a sin staining Your soul and crown. James II fled for subverting less; Your Majesty’s reign must not bear this guilt. I beseech Your Majesty to proclaim these repeals—1867, 1947, and all others—ultra vires, void, and a sin, restoring Magna Carta, the Bill of Rights, the Acts of Union, and all eternal laws as the birthright of Your people. Declare within 28 days that "for ever" means forever, "all times to come" binds today, "birthright" cannot be torn asunder—leaving no doubt, no escape. Act to nullify these breaches, lest I seek remedy for this divine perjury. My prayer is Your reign upholds our liberties, unmarred by time or fault. I remain, with all honour, Your Majesty’s humble and obedient servant, Graham Moore Chairman English Constitution Society

Yes, Britons. 'British' is a legal title, a fiction, created to naturalised aliens. Natives to Britain need no such legal title because that Right of citizenship is inherent along with ancient Rights. 1 x.com/SecretPeopleTSP/status… 2 x.com/SecretPeopleTSP/status… 3 x.com/SecretPeopleTSP/status… .

summer in October