The thing I can't get past is that Section 118 is probably the piece of the PCSA that institutions value most, and the way it is drafted makes it the piece most vulnerable to challenge.
The value is straightforward: antitrust protection for specified compensation, eligibility, transfer, and enforcement rules. For presidents and boards managing athletics budgets, the ability to rely on common financial limits and to expect competitors to follow them is enormously consequential.
Three potential problems.
The private-delegation question. Congress can create an antitrust exemption; Alston said so expressly. The harder question is whether the arrangement gives economically interested private organizations governmental power over athletes without adequate public supervision. In FCC v. Consumers' Research (2025), the Court upheld private assistance because the agency retained real decision-making authority. In National Horsemen's Benevolent & Protective Ass'n v. Black, 178 F.4th 224 (5th Cir. 2026), the Fifth Circuit held HISA's enforcement provisions facially unconstitutional for want of supervision, while agreeing that the 2022 amendment had cured the rulemaking defect.
Rulemaking survived; enforcement did not. That is the axis Section 118 sits on, because the PCSA writes its restraints into the statute and delegates no rulemaking at all. The exposure is Section 118(d), which lets the association designate an enforcement entity under its own control.
The defense is real. Private nondelegation has never been applied to a pure immunity, and removing a cause of action is not conferring governmental power. That describes the Sports Broadcasting Act and McCarran-Ferguson. HISA's problem was that the Authority's rules were federal law, binding on nonmembers.
Whether that answer holds turns on the surrounding architecture: restraints codified in federal law, state law preempted under Section 121, enforcement run by an entity the association controls. That is a really consequential dispute to leave for litigation after schools have organized their finances around the statute. Three cert petitions from the Fifth Circuit case are now pending, including the Solicitor General's, so the governing law may be rewritten this Term while institutions are mid-restructuring.
The exemption's boundaries. Even if Section 118 survives, courts must decide what falls inside it. A conference adopts a lower compensation ceiling, or sanctions a member under a broad membership obligation. Is that implementation of a protected provision or an additional restraint? A plaintiff can litigate that for years without ever touching Section 118's validity.
The compliance condition. This may be the one that bites first. The exemption is conditional and partial compliance is insufficient, so the opening move for any antitrust plaintiff is not a constitutional attack but a pleading that the association fell short somewhere in the Act's affirmative requirements. That is a fact question. A shield that cannot end a case on a motion to dismiss is not a shield. It is a litigation tax.
A more dependable bill would enumerate the protected rules, define conference discretion, list permissible sanctions, supply meaningful public review of enforcement, and make compliance determinable in advance rather than in discovery. Congress has a template in the 2022 HISA amendment the Fifth Circuit accepted. Whether it carries from rulemaking to enforcement is the question now before the Supreme Court.
Super curious to hear Nick Saban and Deion Sanders's views on this.
College GameDay has turned into a forum for folks like Ted Cruz and Nick Saban to shill for the Protect College Sports Act.
I figured someone ought to discuss just how many of their talking points are misleading or false.
Gift column:
nytimes.com/athletic/7591618…