Atleast she came out loud to say she is voting for Peter Obi because he is Ibo.

Peter Obi has started the “yes daddy moves again”😂 The way Peter Obi will lose to the point of becoming distant 4th if there is 4th 😂

After 8 years of Sanwo-Olu, Lagos needs a transformative and no-nonsense leader like Tinubu. Hope Hamzat has it in him?

Ibrahim Chatta is so talented, I used to have crush on him back then.

Obedients/ipob won’t like this one

AriseTv CEO is following Chagoury brothers (Gilbert and Ronald) like boiboi but his staff, Oseni, will be attacking them an condemning Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway in the TV studio.

NYSC stop sending our kids to the region of Igbo people who still dress like this in 2026 These people are lurking in bushes kidnapping our kids you sent to Igboland NYSC let everyone serve the country in their respective region Stop sending our kids to this backward region

A d£af and dvmb man at Ogbeijoh Market kept his daily earnings with an Hausa man for safekeeping. After his d£ath, the man returned today with all the money he had kept for him, leaving everyone shocked

Lagos cannot attract Foreign Investors If Igbo Investors Developing Lagos Are Mistreated - Peter Obi 👇 See how Peter Obi is gaslighting his fellow Igbos in Lagos state, making them believe they developed Lagos State! I no blame my people,na one Nigeria tied our hands

Na Peter Obi go finally make many ibos return back to SE. Many not voluntarily but because nowhere in Nigeria will tolerate them

Sixty-six years ago today, at about 5:30 a.m., Sir Algernon Brown, the Chief Justice of Northern Nigeria, took a revolver and shot himself. The previous day, he had attended Nigeria’s independence ceremony. According to accounts of the event, Brown was so distressed by the prospect of Nigeria becoming an independent state that he had thrown up when the Nigerian flag was raised. He returned to Kaduna deeply depressed and reportedly could not sleep. To him, an independent Nigeria was almost inconceivable. By the following morning, his despair had become so overwhelming that he took his own life.

The interesting thing about the current debate over the Yoruba language in Lagos is that it is not new. In fact, people made versions of the same argument nearly a century and a half ago. One development that brought the issue to the fore was the 1882 Education Ordinance, which made English compulsory while making no similar provision for Yoruba. The controversy that followed divided the Lagos elite, particularly the Saro community. On one side were the more radical Saros. This included men such as James Johnson, Mojola Agbebi and C. Sapara who increasingly described themselves as “Yoruba Africans.” They argued that the Yoruba language was one of the distinctive characteristics of Lagos and that not teaching the Yoruba language to students in schools was, in effect, to “teach them to entertain the lowest idea of themselves and make them servile imitators of others.” On the other side were figures such as E. O. Macaulay and J. Began Benjamin. They derided their opponents as “Yoruba maniacs” and dismissed their demands as a “farrago of nonsense.” Their argument was essentially that refinement and progress required English to become the dominant, if not exclusive, language of respectable Lagos society. If you strip away the nineteenth-century vocabulary, that argument, you would agree, sounds remarkably familiar. The language may have changed to “cosmopolitanism,” “competence,” and “modernity,” but the underlying proposition is much the same: that Lagos somehow becomes more sophisticated by weakening the place of its indigenous language and culture. In the end, the so-called “Yoruba maniacs” largely won the argument. But what is particularly striking about the 1882 debate is not simply what each side said. It is how each side understood its relationship with Yoruba society. The men who called themselves Yoruba Africans, despite their Saro backgrounds, were deeply conscious of their Yoruba heritage. James Johnson was proud of his Ijebu identity; Mojola Agbebi embraced his Ijesa heritage; and Sapara his Ekiti roots. Their Yoruba identity was not incidental to them. It was something to be defended, even when doing so came at a professional or social cost. Johnson took this cultural commitment to an extraordinary degree. As J. D. Y. Peel recounts, he could be so uncompromising about his Yoruba heritage that he was prepared to flog members of his congregation for giving their children non-Yoruba baptismal names. Whatever one thinks of these men, there was no ambiguity about their conviction: language, names and culture were not decorative accessories. They were central to a people's sense of themselves. Their opponents approached the matter differently. Some men of Yoruba ancestry, such as Macaulay, identified more strongly with the Sierra Leonean Creole world and with the British “civilizing” project than with Yoruba cultural nationalism. When figures such as James Johnson were harassing Governor Gilbert Carter over the Imagbon war in Ijebuland, elements of this opposing Lagos elite defended colonial atrocities through their newspapers. Others within the same broad camp had no Yoruba ancestry at all. One example was Dr. Easmon, who campaigned virulently against the Yoruba African movement. To men of this ilk, the Yoruba character of Lagos was not something requiring preservation. If anything, it was something that could be subordinated to a supposedly more cosmopolitan identity. And this is where the nineteenth-century debate begins to feel eerily contemporary. Watch the arguments being made today. The vocabulary has been updated, but many of the assumptions are familiar: Lagos is “cosmopolitan”; language requirements undermine “competence”; or emphasizing Yoruba diminishes the city's openness to others. But cosmopolitanism does not require cultural amnesia. Montreal does not become less French because people from across the world live there. Berlin does not cease to be German because it is multicultural. A city can welcome everyone without pretending that it emerged without a people, a language or a historical culture of its own. Language matters because it is more than a means of communication. It encodes memory, history, concepts, names, literature, humor, and ways of understanding the world. Once a language is banished from public life, other cultural markers atrophy gradually. And as those markers disappear, the bonds connecting one generation to the next become harder to sustain. That was what the “Yoruba Africans” of nineteenth-century Lagos understood. They were not arguing that Lagos should be closed to outsiders. Many of them were themselves products of migration, return and cultural encounter. Their argument was that openness did not require self-erasure. And that distinction remains relevant today. So when people insist that requiring a political office aspirant in Lagos to be a Yoruba speaker is somehow incompatible with the city's cosmopolitan character, they are not advancing an especially new argument. We have heard versions of it before. The names have changed. The vocabulary has changed. The debate has not.

📊 🇳🇬 STATES WHERE NIGERIANS FEEL MOST SECURE — JULY 2026 State — Security Perception Score 1 🟠 FCT — 52.1 2 🟣 Lagos — 48.3 3 🟣 Ogun — 46.5 4 🟣 Ekiti — 45.2 5 🟣 Osun — 44.8 6 🟣 Ondo — 43.6 7 🟣 Oyo — 42.9 8 🟠 Kwara — 41.3 9 🟤 Delta — 40.7 10 🟤 Edo — 40.1 11 🟤 Akwa Ibom — 39.5 12 🟢 Enugu — 38.8 🟣 SW 🟠 NC 🟤 SS 🟢 SE FCT recorded the highest security perception score at 52.1, 3.8 points ahead of Lagos. The South West accounts for 6 of the 12 states, followed by the South South with 3, North Central with 2 and South East with 1. #Statisense (NigeriaPolls — SPI, July 2026)

🎓🇳🇬 NIGERIAN UNIVERSITIES IN THE RANKING BY ZONE — 2027 Zone — Number of Ranked Universities 1 South West — 13 2 North Central — 5 3 South East — 4 3 South South — 4 5 North West — 2 6 North East — 1 Total — 29 Universities The South West accounted for nearly half of Nigeria's ranked universities, while the North East's only entry was the University of Maiduguri. #Statisense (Times Higher Education, 2027)

“this route Umahi is going is bad” “Anambra people love ndi Ebonyi more than Umahi” “Ndi Ebonyi must stand against Umahi” Ekwensu ga akpo unu nʼile oku na ofu na ofu.

This is the "No Sign of Weakness" in real life. Any blink of an eye and he is gone.

Chinedu went along side with other Ibo minorities to protest against Ibos shops that were demolished in trade fair. They all spoke Ibo, he never complained. Tell us how Chinedu with an Ibo wife won’t hand over Lagos state affairs to the Ibos.

Hitler could not use violence to take over power in Germany, he switched to politics and within few years, he became the Fuhrer of Germany. Azikwe and the Igbo nationalist Caucus have been dreaming and scheming of how to eternally rule Lagos and the entire Yorubaland since the 1920s. Awolowo stopped him and when Ojukwu had his army, he wrote a whole letter on how Biafra will annex Lagos and appoint a Biafran administrator and decide when they will leave Lagos for the indigenous people. A threat of over 100 years is not a mistake but a real and potent threat. Igbo nationalists can no longer use violence to project power into Yorubaland anymore, what did they do? They created images and people like GRV as tools of state capture while keeping Igboland intact and 100 percent Igbo controlled. They know an average Yoruba youth is western educated but when it comes to political literacy and geopolitics, they are largely naive, daft and petty panderers to people who want to inherit their culture, identity and lands. Well, this deliberate attack by South East nationalists to hijack political power from the Yoruba by sponsoring and projecting miscreants like GRV who does not speak Yoruba or think in Yorubaland will not end well for them and the peace of Nigeria. If you are not a Christian you can never become the governor of Plateau, Benue and Taraba. No Muslim can ever become the governor of Anambra. But a known Yoruba hater who openly supports Igbo nationalism like GRV should be allowed to become the governor of the most powerful state in Sub Saharan Africa? Is that how Igbo nationalists think Yorubas are stupid? Because of some idiots in our midst? Time will tell.

Lol 😆 see speed Darlington

Why Niger Delta Can Never Be Part of Biafra 👇 History You Need To Know Ojukwu joined Aguiyi Ironsi to attack and capture Adaka Boro. He was sentenced to death for declaring Niger Delta Republic. Odumegwu Ojukwu and Aguiyi Ironsi were still on the side of the Gambaris then, trying to please them. For declaring Niger-Delta Republic, Ironsi who was then the military Head of State, ordered Ojukwu to get Isaac Adaka Boro arrested for treason. Ojukwu, in an attempt to please the Gambaris, fought Isaac Boro for 12 days. He used federal might of "one-Nigeria" to kill 150 soldiers loyal to Isaac Boro, caught Isaac Boro, stripped him naked and sent him to Lagos, where Ironsi charged him to court and within just 2 months got him convicted at the Supreme Court for treasonable felony of trying to break away from Nigeria. He was sentenced to death by hanging. However, before Ojukwu and Ironsi could execute their sentence on Isaac Boro, God intervened and a counter coup happened. Ironsi was overthrown and killed. Gowon took over & declared Isaac Boro innocent and released him. But just fifteen months later, Ojukwu himself declared Biafra Republic due to the way Igbos were being killed in the North. In declaring Biafra, rather than first apologise to Isaac Boro for what he earlier did to him and then ask for his cooperation, Ojukwu did nothing like that. Without consulting Boro at all, he arrogantly included in his Biafra map the very Niger Delta areas which Isaac Boro earlier tried to pull out of Nigeria and which he (Ojukwu) nearly killed him for. This angered Isaac Boro and Ken Saro Wiwa who both pledged support for Gowon in order to teach Ojukwu a bitter lesson for his arrogance. That was why Isaac Boro and Saro Wiwa fought on the side of Gowon during the war.

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