Senior Lecturer, University of Sheffield. Legal scholar and author of Law and Resistance. Horn of Africa. Media commentary.

London
Awol Allo retweeted
Built a reusable 9:16 launch-ad template in @SVGatorApp for #svgatorchallenge Swap the headline, logo and product image, recolor 3 shapes, and the animation holds. Here it goes from launch ad to dark fintech promo. Made with the SVGator MCP + Claude, finished by hand. @contra
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This effectively means that the federal government has assumed direct control of Tigray, and that the Pretoria peace process appears to be all but dead. It also marks a significant centralisation of political and security authority in the hands of the federal government. Let us hope that this opens a path towards peace.
የኢ.ፌ.ዲ.ሪ. የፌዴሬሽን ምክር ቤት በሕገ መንግሥቱ አንቀጽ 62 (9) እና በዐዋጅ ቁጥር 359/1995 አንቀጽ 14/2/ለ/ መሠረት የትግራይ ክልል ጊዜያዊ አስተዳደር እንዲቋቋም ባስተላለፈው ውሳኔ እና ለሚኒስትሮች ምክር ቤት በሰጠው ሥልጣን መሠረት፣ የኢፌዴሪ መንግሥት የትግራይ ክልልን የሚያጸና ውሳኔ ወስኗል። እንደሚታወቀው፣ በትግራይ ክልል ተፈጥሮ የነበረውን ግጭት በፕሪቶሪያ ስምምነት መሠረት ለመፍታት የተደረገው ተደጋጋሚ ጥረት በሕወሐት ዕንቅፋትነት የተነሣ ሳይሳካ ቀርቷል። ሰላምን ያልፈለገው የሕወሐት አመራር ለአራተኛ ጊዜ የጀመረው አውዳሚ ጦርነት ለአራተኛ ጊዜ በሕወሐት ሽንፈት ተጠናቋል። የትግራይ ሕዝብ የራቀውን ሰላም እንዲጎናጸፍ፣ ራስን በራስ የማስተዳደር መብቱ እንዲረጋገጥ፣ እንዲሁም ላለፉት በርካታ ዓመታት ያላገኛቸውን የልማት ትሩፋቶች ለማጣጣም እንዲችል ከግጭት አዙሪት መውጣት አለበት። ለዚህ ደግሞ በፌዴሬሽኑ ውስጥ የሚገባውን ቦታ አግኝቶ ሰላሙን ማስከበር፣ ትኩረቱን በልማት ላይ ማድረግና ከሌሎች የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝቦች ጋር በኅብረ ብሔራዊ አንድነት ጸንቶ መኖር አለበት። እነዚህን ሁኔታዎች ባጠረ ጊዜ ለማመቻቸት እንዲቻል የትግራይ ክልል የፌዴራል መንግሥት ባለአደራ አስተዳደር በሚኒስትሮች ምክር ቤት ደንብ መሠረት ተመሥርቷል፡፡ ይህ የትግራይ ክልል የፊዴራል መንግሥት ባለአደራ አስተዳደር ለሚቀጥሉት 6 ወራት ትግራይን የሚያስተዳድር ይሆናል። ዋና ተግባሩ፦ 1. በትግራይ ክልል ውስጥ ተፈጥሮ ያለውን የሰላምና የመረጋጋት ችግር በፍጥነት በመፍታት የተረጋጋ ሁኔታን መፍጠር፣ 2. የፈረሱ የመንግሥት መዋቅሮችን መልሶ በመዘርጋት ሕዝቡ የመደበኛ አገልግሎት ተጠቃሚ የሚሆንበትን ሁኔታ መፍጠር፤ 3. በጦርነት ምክንያት የተጎዱ መሠረተ ልማቶችን በመጠገንና ፈጥነው ወደ ሥራ እንዲገቡ በማድረግ በሀገር ደረጃ የሚታዩ የልማት ትሩፋቶች ትግራይ ውስጥም መስፋፋት የሚችሉበትን ሁኔታ ማመቻቸት፤ 4. የተፈናቀሉ የኅብረተሰብ ክፍሎችን ወደየቀያቸው መመለስ፤ 5. በክልሉ ውስጥ ተቋርጠው የነበሩ ማኅበራዊ አገልግሎቶች እንዲቀጥሉ ማድረግ፤ 6. እንዲሁም የተረጋጋ የፖለቲካ ሁኔታ ተፈጥሮ በ6 ወር ጊዜ ውስጥ ነጻና ግልጽ ምርጫ ተከናውኖ ትግራይ የፌዴሬሽኑ መደበኛ አካል የምትሆንበትን ሁኔታ ማመቻቸት፤ 7. ከፌዴራል የመከላከያ፣ የፖሊስና የደኅንነት ተቋማት እንዲሁም ከትግራይ የጸጥታ ኃይሎች ጋር በመቀናጀት ከክልል እስከ ቀበሌ ባለው መዋቅር ውስጥ የተረጋጋ ሁኔታ እንዲፈጠር፣ ታጣቂዎች ትጥቃቸውን በማስረከብ ወደ ሰላማዊ ኑሮ እንዲመለሱና ተሐድሶ እንዲያደርጉ ሁኔታውን ማመቻቸት፣ የክልሉን የጸጥታ መዋቅር እንደ አዲስ የማዋቀር ኃላፊነት ይኖረዋል፡፡ 8. ሰላም እንዲጸና ፣ የሕዝቡ ሥነ ልቡና እንዲስተካከልና ወደ ልማትና የመልሶ ግንባታ ሥራ ለመግባት የሚያስችለው ዝግጁነት እንዲኖረው ማድረግ፤ 9. የሚዲያ ሥራዎችን የማስተባበር፤ በየደረጃው የሚደረጉ የሕዝብ መድረኮችን የማዘጋጀት፤ 10. ለቀጣዩ ምርጫ ሰላማዊና አካታች እንዲሆን የሚያስችሉ ተግባራትን የማከናወን ኃላፊነት አለበት፡፡ የባለአደራ አስተዳደሩ በሚያከናውናቸው ሁሉም ተግባራት የኢትዮጵያን ብሔራዊ ጥቅሞች፣ የኢትዮጵያን የግዛት አንድነት፣ የትግራይ ሕዝብን መሠረታዊ ጥቅሞች መሠረት ማድረግ አለበት። በሕዝብ የተመረጠ መንግሥት እስከሚቋቋም ድረስ የክልሉን የዕለት ተዕለት አገልግሎቶች ከማቅረብና ለቀጣይ ምርጫ አስቻይ ሁኔታዎችን ከመፍጠር በዘለለ ረዘም ያለ ስትራቴጂያዊ አንድምታ ባላቸው ጉዳዮች ላይ አይንቀሳቀስም፡፡ ተግባሩንም ከፌዴራል መንግሥት በሚሰጠው አቅጣጫ እና መመሪያ መሠረት ያከናውናል። የባለአደራ አስተዳደሩ ዋና አስፈጻሚዎች 1. አቶ አሰፋ አብርሃ ሐጎስ የአስተዳደር እና የሕዝብ አገልግሎት ዋና አስፈጻሚ 2. ⁠ዶክተር ቴዎድሮስ አረጋይ ወ/ሥላሴ - የኢኮኖሚ እና መልሶ ግንባታ ዋና አስፈጻሚ 3. ⁠ብ/ጄ ገብረ እግዚአብሔር በየነ ኃይሉ - የጸጥታና ሰላም ዋና አስፈጻሚ 4. ⁠አቶ ረዳኢ ኃለፎም ወ/ሥላሴ - የፖለቲካ እና ሕዝብ አደረጃጀት ዋና አስፈጻሚ 5. ⁠ዶክተር ሽሻይ አማረ - የመቐለ ከተማ ከንቲባ በመሆን ተሹመዋል። ለሚያከናውኗቸው ሁሉም እንቅስቃሴዎች የፌዴራል መንግሥቱ መመሪያ፣ አቅጣጫ፣ ድጋፍና ክትትል ይደረግላቸዋል።
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Awol Allo retweeted
Why has international support for the #TPLF shifted since the last #Tigray war? In this episode of Conflicts of Interest, Prof. Clionadh Raleigh, Bron Mills, and ACLED’s Dr. Jalale Getachew Birru discuss how the TPLF's relationship with Western governments and international organizations has changed, and what this means for #Ethiopia’s renewed tensions. Listen now: linktr.ee/ConflictsOfInteres…
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Awol Allo retweeted
Yesterday, I watched Naza. I did not go to learn what had happened in Gaza. I am from there. I am one of the victims of this war, one of its witnesses, and one of those who have paid a price that will not end when the war does. I did not need a film to tell me how entire neighborhoods were wiped away, how residential buildings were bombed with the people still inside them, or how families were forced to leave their homes without knowing where they were supposed to go. Nor did I need anyone to tell me about the famine. I lived through it twice, with all its humiliations, down to the smallest detail. Or about the starving people who were killed while trying to reach what were so absurdly called “food distribution centers.” I know all of this. I was there. Read the whole Thread below : #Naza @yuval_abraham
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In other words, we invaded Ethiopia, a country far larger and more powerful than our own, in response to threats and provocations.
Information Note Regarding #Eritrea-Ethiopia Relations (Document circulated to UNSC Member States on 13 October yesterday in response to "Ethiopia’s Note on Current Developments” of 11 October 2026) *"...Over the past three years, the Government of Ethiopia has sustained and progressively intensified its unprovoked war agenda against Eritrea under the rubric of acquiring 'Sovereign access to the sea, through negotiations if possible and force if necessary', in violation of the UN Charter and the 2018 Peace and Friendship Agreement between the two countries. Ethiopia’s acts of aggression and destabilization include the pronounced establishment of a Naval Force with jurisdiction over and strategic depth in Eritrea’s southern coastal region". *"...Taken together, these developments are tantamount to, and constitute, a brazen violation of Eritrea’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, in breach of the prohibition of the threat or use of force under Article 2(4) of the Charter of the United Nations". shabait.com/2026/10/14/infor…
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There has long been a widespread popular perception that Meles Zenawi and the TPLF simply handed Assab over to Eritrea without meaningful debate and discussion. Meles’s remarks in this video, which appears to have been filmed in Washington, DC, sometime after the Algiers Agreement of December 2000, and possibly before the Eritrea–Ethiopia Boundary Commission delivered its decision in April 2002, suggest a considerably more non-committal position. Although his comments appear to have been made after the 1998–2000 war had fundamentally transformed relations between the two countries, he explicitly entertains the possibility of pursuing legal avenues to determine whether Ethiopia has a legitimate claim to sovereignty over Assab. His references to the colonial-era treaties and the legal and historical research commissioned by his government further suggest that he did not consider the question entirely settled or beyond scrutiny. While rejecting the forcible seizure of the port on the grounds that it would invite damaging international isolation, he identifies legal recourse as a third option worth exploring. This is hardly the position of someone unequivocally conceding Ethiopia’s lack of sovereign entitlement to Assab, at least after the 1998-2000 war! But it would be useful to know what meaningful discussions and debates took place within the Ethiopian government concerning this profoundly consequential decision, which left Ethiopia not only without access to its former ports but entirely landlocked. One would have thought that a decision of such far-reaching strategic, economic and geopolitical significance would have warranted serious deliberation and public debate. During the 2014 Scottish independence referendum, for instance, the question of North Sea oil and its ownership, control and economic implications was a prominent issue in the debate. It is reasonable to ask whether comparable questions were seriously considered and debated in Ethiopia at the time.
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Awol Allo retweeted
News: #Red_Sea Afar group calls for #Eritrean President, government to face ‘justice’ at conference in #Ethiopia’s #Afar region The Red Sea Afar Democratic Organization (#RSADO), an Ethiopia-based political and insurgent group opposing Eritrea’s ruling People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (#PFDJ), has called for President Isaias Afwerki and his government “to be held accountable” for alleged atrocities against the Red Sea Afar people, as it concluded a people’s conference in Logiya city, in Ethiopia’s Afar region held today. RSADO’s latest conference follows a series of political and military activities by the group over the past year, and amid a sharp deterioration in relations between Ethiopia and Eritrea. Recently, the organization has also pursued international avenues to raise concerns about the “treatment of the Red Sea Afar community.” Its leaders were recently featured in Israeli media amid reports that the group had sought support from #Israel. addisstandard.com/?p=60179
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“And, no, Omar didn't marry her brother, either. That canard has been debunked so thoroughly that only the densest MAGA Hats credit it.”
No, we have no sympathy in any way, shape or form for the socialist left-wing nonsense that Rep. Ilhan Omar peddles day-in-and-day-out on Capitol Hill. But the predawn raid on her home early this AM represents Trumpian political grandstanding and weaponization of the machinery of justice every bit as despicable as what happened under "Joe Biden". This raid on the home of a sitting member of Congress, in fact, is no more justified than was the pre-dawn assault on Mar-a-Lago against a former president. First and foremost, this is not a case that even remotely involves criminal conduct by Rep. Ilhan Omar. By the accounts given to Fox News and confirmed at the high level by the Department of Justice, it is an investigation into immigration paperwork completed by her father 25-30 years ago when she was a child. But her father, Nur Omar Mohamed, has been dead since June 2020 and can no longer be held accountable, anyway. Still, the apparent reason for the raid turns on events from 1995 ( her family's refugee resettlement) and roughly 2000 (her father's naturalization), and on factual claims about her birth year, her mother’s death, and the loss of 45-years ago Somali records. So what we have is a “sins of the dead father” inquiry that turns on the following hideous level of historical trivia: *Statements or omissions on the family’s 1995 refugee resettlement paperwork under the Somalia program. *Statements on the father’s own naturalization application around 2000. *Whether Omar was in fact born on October 4, 1982 (the date used in congressional and Minnesota Legislative Reference Library records), which would have made her 17 and eligible for derivative citizenship. *Whether her mother actually died when Omar was about two years old (circa 1984), a fact relevant under older rules that generally required both parents to naturalize unless one was deceased. *Whether original birth and family records were lost during the families flight from Somalia in 1991 and the subsequent four years in a chaotic Kenyan refugee camp. Omar has long said she derived citizenship in 2000 as a minor when her father naturalized. Under the law applicable to children born before 1983, derivative citizenship for a minor is tethered to the validity of the parent’s naturalization. If a parent obtained citizenship through material, willful misrepresentation, that can in theory be used to challenge the child’s derived status. It is also a mechanism with high practical and legal barriers. The government must prove material, willful concealment or misrepresentation—not mere inconsistency, incomplete recollection from a war zone, or the absence of a birth certificate that was never issued or was destroyed. But a minor child who did not prepare or sign the forms, and Rep. Omar clearly didn't, and who has no demonstrated knowledge of any false statement, is not guilty of anything. Courts have historically required clear, unequivocal, and convincing evidence of personal, not derivative, fraud before stripping citizenship. Moreover, the whole matter is moot, anyway. Had Omar been 19 years old with a living mother in 2000, she would simply have naturalized on her own after the ordinary five-year permanent-residence period that applies to most refugees. That is how large numbers of adult Somali refugees who arrived in the mid-1990s obtained citizenship. Derivative status for minors was a convenience and a legal pathway that existed precisely because many families arrived with young children. Treating the use of that pathway as inherently suspicious, three decades later, inverts the system that was applied to the entire community at the time. The truth is, there is no serious public-interest justification for a judicially authorized search of a sitting House member’s home in October of an election year in order to test whether her mother died in the mid-1980s or whether a birth year listed in official records is accurate. Yet that's the sum and substance behind this egregious miscarriage of justice. Even then,the purported fraud would have been committed by her father, who has been dead for six years and cannot be questioned. Original Somali civil records from a collapsed state are routinely unavailable. The entire exercise rests on the possibility that documents prepared by a now-deceased parent contained a material falsehood that a child then carried forward. This is the weaponization of federal investigative machinery taken to a new level of barking absurdity. Democrats spent years using selective investigations, leaks, and process as political tools against opponents. Doing the same thing now by a gang of DHS thugs wearing what amounts to red jerseys to raid the home of a sitting congresswoman on the basis of 25- to 30-year-old refugee paperwork and the death certificate of a woman who died when the congresswoman was a toddler is exactly the same thing the Dems did under the last administration. That is not accountability. It is pre-election grandstanding dressed up as law enforcement. If there is concrete, recent, personal evidence of fraud by Omar herself, then the Trumpians need to produce it. Fast. Until then, a search warrant aimed at the alleged paperwork of a man dead since 2020, for the purpose of litigating events from 1982–2000, does not serve the interest of justice. It serves a political narrative peddled by malefactors hiding behind the color of law. And, no, Omar didn't marry her brother, either. That canard has been debunked so thoroughly that only the densest MAGA Hats credit it.
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Awol Allo retweeted
Ethiopia and Eritrea have both appealed to the UN Security Council to intervene because of escalating tensions between the two countries. Al Jazeera's Malcolm Webb reports.
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Awol Allo retweeted
At least 109 migrants, including 15 children, have died and more than 116 are missing after a boat carrying about 350 people capsized while sailing from Djibouti to Yemen, the International Organization for Migration said on Sunday. reuters.com/world/africa/109…
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Awol Allo retweeted
Eritrea increasingly sees the war in northern Ethiopia as the initial phase of a larger plan in Addis Ababa to take control of the port of Assab on the Red Sea, as seen in this letter sent to the UNSC.
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According to local sources and eyewitnesses, #Eritrean forces have entered Tigray across multiple axes, including areas surrounding Zalambessa, Adigrat, Edaga Hamus, Sebay, Irob, and Sasi within the region’s Eastern Zone. thereporterethiopia.com/5332…
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Interesting
#Ethiopia, something extraordinary is unfolding in #Tigray. Major cities, towns and large rural areas are now under the control of the ENDF and Tigray Peace Forces. The speed of this shift is striking. But the deeper story is not territorial. It is political. Across many towns and cities, the public reaction has been remarkably similar: celebration, relief and an unmistakable rejection of another cycle of war. This should not be confused with celebration of the Ethiopian government. What many people appear to be celebrating is the horizon of no more war. They want ordinary life back: schools, salaries, banks, roads, businesses, movement and security. That distinction is critical. For years, the TPLF presented its political survival as inseparable from the survival and dignity of Tigray. What is unfolding now exposes how far that claim may have drifted from the mood of the people themselves. The clearest disconnect may now be between Tigray and parts of the diaspora. When people inside Tigray publicly express relief, reject another war or celebrate a return to normal life, some long-standing and newly sworn TPLF loyalists dismiss them as bought, coerced or manipulated. And when someone simply describes what is happening on the ground, the response often comes almost automatically: “Are you saying the regime in Addis Ababa can now work for the people of Tigray?” It is a cynical diversion. The question deliberately shifts the discussion away from the real issue: what do the people of Tigray themselves want now? Describing the erosion of TPLF support is not an endorsement of Addis Ababa. Recognizing public exhaustion with war is not a declaration of confidence in the federal government. Reporting that people are celebrating a measure of normalcy is not an absolution of the Ethiopian state. Yet this false binary is repeatedly imposed because it avoids a far more uncomfortable question: what if many Tigrayans simply do not want the TPLF restored to power? Some loyalists rarely say explicitly that the TPLF must return. Instead, every criticism of the organization is met with another excuse, another deflection or another warning about Addis Ababa. There seems to be an endless reserve of explanations for every TPLF failure, but very little willingness to confront what the people themselves may now be saying. If every Tigrayan who rejects another war must be called bought, manipulated or frightened, and every description of TPLF’s declining legitimacy must be reframed as support for Abiy Ahmed, then the problem is no longer the facts. It is a political imagination that cannot conceive of Tigray outside the TPLF. Whatever language is used to disguise it, the underlying preference is becoming increasingly visible: for some, the acceptable future still seems to require the TPLF’s return to its former position. But Tigray is bigger than the TPLF. After years of war, displacement, hunger, repression and repeated mobilization, wanting peace is not betrayal. Wanting ordinary life is not surrender. Refusing another war does not make anyone an agent of Addis Ababa. It is agency. And perhaps the most important political fact emerging from this moment is simple: the people of Tigray are speaking for themselves. Their future cannot continue to be reduced to a false choice between submission to Addis Ababa and restoration of the TPLF x.com/Zeate1/status/21088435…
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You really have to question the value of the UN at moments like this. Eritrea's invasion of Ethiopia is literally the textbook definition of a threat to international peace and security and not even a meeting has been held. hrw.org/news/2026/10/09/ethi…
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…. And a blatant violation of the UN Charter and international law
Eritrea has ceded the high ground to Ethiopia, literally and figuratively. Irrespective of what Abiy may have done to provoke the Tigrayans, and even the Eritreans, in recent months, moving mechanized battalions into a neighboring country is an act of war.reuters.com/world/africa/eth…
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So you are effectively confirming that, in response to what you characterise as threats by Ethiopia, you have taken military action inside Ethiopian territory?
Ethiopia's Ministry of Foreign Affairs is these days accusing Eritrea for acts of "unprovoked aggression that may jeopardize regional peace and security". Audacity and duplicity in their most extreme forms! The indelible facts: 1. Ethiopia has in essence declared a war of aggression against Eritrea when its Prime Minister announced to his Parliament on 13 October 2023 that his regime will acquire "sovereign access to the sea, through negotiations if possible and by force if necessary". 2. As illustrated in the Press Release issued at the time (link below), Eritrea responded with exemplary restraint and equanimity to underline that it will not be provoked by these perplexing pronouncements and events. 3. In subsequent and repetitive campaigns to agitate and solicit support from his domestic constituencies to his war agenda, the PP's leader invoked "Israel's annexation of the Golan Heights" as a useful precedent for what he had in mind for Assab. 4. He went further to denigrate and deny Eritrea's independence by stating that "he could not find any legal documents in all Ethiopian Government archives - the Cabinet, Parliament etc. - in relation to Eritrea's independence". 5. His periodic and strident agitations included urging and reminding the Ethiopian Army that its core mission centered on "ensuring and maintaining the security of the Red Sea from the edge of Somalia to the Port of Massawa". 4. Taking their cue from the Potemkin Party's Chief, senior political and military officials dwelt on provocative statements on several public events; essentially to declare that they will correct the "historical mistake" and forcefully occupy the Eritrean port of Assab as well as its entire southern coastline to secure "strategic depth" to their phantom naval force. 5. And, on 27 September last month, the Ethiopian Army's Deputy Chief of Staff openly declared that "the offensive launched in Tigray will not stop there". He went on to state: "Mekelle is a mere stop-over, our ultimate destination is Assab; our main objective is to install our flag in the Red Sea". 6. The hysterical infatuation with the Red Sea must also be seen with previous intentions to wage a war of invasion against Eritrea but that were not publicly divulged at the time. Indeed, the PP regime did not only try to entice the TPLF to join forces for an invasion against Eritrea in confidential meetings in Djibouti and Seychelles during the Tigray War in early/mid 2022, but a confidential report issued by the EU Envoy after her visit to Ethiopia in September 2022 - a couple of months prior to the Pretoria Agreement - bluntly announced that the 2018 Peace Agreement between Eritrea and Ethiopia had become "null and void". These were apparently sinister machinations to which Eritrea had no inkling at the time. In brief, the Ethiopian regime has been pursuing, in effect, an unprovoked war of aggression against Eritrea for more than three years now in flagrant breach of foundational principles of international law and the UN Charter that prohibit the threat or use of force against the sovereignty and territorial integrity of another Member State. shabait.com/2023/10/16/press…
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Awol Allo retweeted
Ethiopia's government said it had no option but to defend itself against what it called an "all-out invasion" by Eritrean forces, in a letter to the UN Security Council shared with Reuters on Friday. reuters.com/world/africa/eth…
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I share the anti-war sentiment expressed here by @AnalystSomalia, but I think the current context is very different from the last war for a number of reasons. Most importantly, Eritrea’s involvement, wrong then, and still wrong now, changes the nature of the conflict, and the political optics. What might otherwise have been seen by some as part of Ethiopia’s internal political struggle is now increasingly being viewed through the lens of external intervention, sovereignty and national security. That shift matters, and from my conversation with people on the ground, it is already reshaping public attitudes in ways that were not present during the last war, or before a few weeks. The fact is, it is difficult to convince people across much of Ethiopia that a war led by Eritrea and supported by Egypt would somehow advance their long-term interests or address the grievances they currently have against the current order. Whatever support the TPLF, Fano, OLA and others may have had within their respective constituencies, Eritrea’s involvement has seriously undermined that support and fundamentally altered the way the conflict is being understood. That is certainly the case within the Oromo camp.
🇪🇹 To Our Ethiopian Neighbours: War Is Not the Answer As I said during the last Tigray war, my message to our Ethiopian neighbours is simple: Please stop the war. You will eventually stop it anyway, but only after tens of thousands, if not hundreds of thousands, have died. The last war was horrific. @AbiyAhmedAli and @reda_getachew were on opposing sides, with Isaias Afwerki backing Abiy. Now Getachew is with Abiy, while Isaias is aligned with his former Tigrayan enemies. If anything captures the futility of war, this does. We Somalis went down that rabbit hole, and 40 years later, we are still trying to get out. Ethiopian governments spent much of that time arming our clan rebels and warlords and interfering in our affairs. Some Somalis may now wish Ethiopia the same fate. I am not one of them. I am a patriotic Somali who wishes Ethiopia, Eritrea and all our neighbours peace and prosperity. Ethiopia’s problems are political and require political solutions. Abiy will not subdue the Amhara, Tigrayan and Oromo rebellions through force alone. Somalia, Ethiopia, Kenya, the US, AU and UN have spent nearly two decades trying to defeat Al-Shabaab militarily, yet the conflict persists. Israel has not subdued the Palestinians, the US has not subdued Iran, and Russia has not subdued Ukraine. Even the most powerful armies cannot simply bomb political and communal grievances out of existence. Sooner or later, a political settlement becomes necessary. If I were Abiy, a Nobel Peace Prize laureate and a religious man, I would tell Ethiopians: Let us stop fighting, build a democratic federal country and learn to compete politically without killing one another. If my resignation would bring peace, I would be prepared to resign. I would also assure Ethiopia’s neighbours that their ports and territorial waters are not coveted. Ethiopia already has sea access. Its persistent demands for sea ownership, however disguised, only alarm its neighbours and invite hostility. It is largely Ethiopia’s political elites who have brought the country here. Ordinary Ethiopians would rather be farming their land, raising their families and working their way out of poverty. As my Pakistani friends used to say whenever someone was doing something foolish: Please use your head. And the buck stops with Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed. Wars rarely settle political grievances. Even those who win wars eventually have to make peace with those they failed to destroy. Why not make that peace now, before another futile war claims hundreds of thousands, perhaps millions, of Ethiopian and Eritrean lives and brings untold suffering to millions more?
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