Very much appreciate someone laying out the stopgap plan that we urgently need. Our governance of AI can have stages: I remain skeptical of IVOs’ incentives, and eventually we’ll need something better-designed like a catastrophe insurance mandate for frontier labs. But IVOs could be helpful in the short term before they get captured or fall to bad incentives. It seems like a reasonable order of policies is:
ASAP:
-enabling the frontier labs to coordinate a slowdown by having the Admin promise narrow protection from antitrust scrutiny
-the phone-call-based governance Anton lays out where the Admin tells labs they need to have METR, Redwood, etc. red team their systems
Short term:
-formalize that requirement for third party audits, probably by EO, whatever
-Finra for AI or whatever. Not a particularly great design I don’t think, but better than nothing.
-continued antitrust shield to coordinate a slowdown if needed
“Medium” term (6mos - 1 year):
-ideally and (very doably), get insurance ecosystem up and running to create the right incentives for third party auditors
-if that can’t happen, IVOs are second best
Medium term +:
-we really should design institutions with better incentives than IVOs. Stopgaps are fine, but this technology could be too consequential to leave it up to “I trust METR to do a good job.” METR is great! But organizations change when you give them new jobs and incentives! Gabe Weil’s catastrophe insurance and liability work is the best idea i’ve seen for incentive design, and we will really need that. If for whatever reason (perhaps political) we can’t do that in the immediate future, that’s fine, I’ll take “Finra for AI” or IVOs or whatever. But we shouldn’t let those models become sticky! Eventually, we need those IVOs or whatever they’re called to be hired by insurance companies that actually have a financial motive to get the audits right. So to anyone who says “timelines are too short for insurance”: you’re probably right. That means doing non-insurance policies asap. But it doesn’t change the fact that ultimately insurance is better-designed than IVOs and we should implement a well-designed system with good incentives as soon as we can. We can do X, Y and Z (non of them insurance) to prevent “doom” in the super short term. But if it turns out we don’t all die in the next year, then we can do the right thing and do insurance!
“Long” term (more than a few years away):
-the world might be super changed, insurance won’t be enough, and we’ll need lots of ideas for different institutional designs
-or maybe progress and disruption from AI will be less than expected. Even here, insurance isnt a cure-all, and we’ll need to do more than that. This scenario just means we have more time to do good stuff, and hopefully can do better than haphazard stopgaps
AI progress is outpacing democratic oversight, and the government has started to notice. What now?
My new piece argues that mandated independent oversight and incident investigation should be the immediate response.
writing.antonleicht.me/p/sen…
Some reasons, in short:
(1) Third-party oversight gets at the risks we should care about most: not only the properties of one specific model or deployed product, but the internal norms and safety practices. That's how we get at the internal deployments and dangerous training practices that got us here.
(2) It uses and builds flexible expertise. Third-party organisations are the best concentration of talent outside the labs. They can also recruit and scale faster than agencies. And they're more flexible: no matter what law we eventually pass or who wins the knife fight over the AI portfolio, we can keep drawing on third parties.
(3) It gives government something to do about the next incident. Inevitably, something else will go wrong, and government will want to react. These moments are dangerous and ripe for PATRIOT-Act-style overreach. If the White House needs to send someone into the labs to find out what's going on, I'd want it to be third parties, not the NSA.
(4) We can do this today. It's an election year heading into a split government; legislation will be very hard. Under these imperfect conditions, much of this can be done by White House phone call. We should formalise as we go: through closer government-third-party cooperation, through an SRO, and eventually through legislation. But we can start today.
New piece on how this could work and how to get it right:
writing.antonleicht.me/p/sen…