I wanted to give a longer response to this statement, not because I find it surprising or even because it makes me as angry as it would have done earlier this year, but because I think it reveals something fundamental about how the CPB operates as a party and I hope that members and sympathisers will see this and give it some thought.
The CPB executive does not make political decisions based on what's best for the working class, for socialism, or even based on its own party programme, but begins from the decision which most benefits itself then works backwards to find a reason to justify it. This is what we mean by opportunism.
The CPB backed Tony Blair's Labour Party three times to "oppose Toryism," despite sharing broadly identical politics and reinforcing the two-party system.
It backed Keir Starmer's Labour Party to "oppose fascism," despite the fact that fascism is strengthened by Labour Party governments.
It then backed Andy Burnham's leadership bid via the Makerfield by-election to "weaken Starmerism," which Burnham clearly hasn't done. "Starmerism" and "Burnhamism" are broadly the same thing.
But the specific reason isn't actually important, the goal of these moves is simply to maintain the party's own survival which is predicated on the electoral fortunes of the Labour Party and opposition to any effective socialist alternative.
One significant reason for defending Labour is the Morning Star, around which the CPB was formed and without which the CPB wouldn't have much significance at all. The Star's business model relies on courting donors and supporters from among the labour aristocracy, including Left-Labour MPs, fat, pro-war, strike-averse trade union leaders, and all the good people who genuinely believe that it represents a working-class, socialist politics.
When I was a member, the CPB also survived on so-called "legacy donations" from dead supporters who believed that the party was a vehicle for socialism despite all evidence to the contrary. These donations can reach hundreds of thousands of pounds and, vampire-like, the party uses them to breathe life into a party machinery which, in practice, defends the Labour Party, defends Israel, defends Liberalism, neutralises productive activists, etc.
If this support were withdrawn, the Morning Star would soon collapse without switching its support to an alternative class base (ideally, the working class). But it refuses to do this, so instead jealously defends the link between workers and the labour aristocracy.
But let's look at the reason for this particular decision to endorse an abstention in Holborn:
Firstly, the reason is not (on paper, at least) George Galloway's actual politics, which I would argue are more "communist" than the Communist Party's.
The CPB defends Israel, George wants it dismantled.
The CPB defends Labour, George wants it destroyed.
The CPB want Russia to stop defending itself against NATO, George wants NATO defeated.
The CPB wants the working class shackled to liberals, imperialists, and anti-communists (their version of a "united front"), George wants the working class to regain its political independence from these forces but will work with anyone furthering socialist or anti-imperialist goals, etc.
But as I said, the CPB doesn't mention George's politics at the risk of exposing their own. Instead, their argument rests on a claim that they do not usually make and which actually contradicts their own party programme: "the reason for standing a principled anti-imperialist candidate in elections is to build grassroots organisation for working class power" which they then claim George is unable to do from exile (or "abroad" as they sneeringly put it.)
The core of the CPB's reformist strategy in Britain's Road to Socialism is to form a Labour/Liberal/Socialist majority in parliament, and we can quote from the document itself:
"The opening stage in Britain’s socialist revolution will therefore have to culminate in the election of a left-wing government at Westminster, based on a socialist, Labour, communist and progressive majority at the polls."
The CPB does believe in a grassroots movement (usually the "official" movement tied to the trade union leaderships and Labour Party), but sees this as more of a pressure or lobbying group, while the really important political work is delegated to the elected politicians of Westminster.
Essentially, the CPB programme can either be a sacrosanct rulebook or conveniently ignored, based entirely on the whims of an opportunistic leadership clique which opposes socialism.
Because if the CPB genuinely believed in its own programme, then our own party would surely be natural allies, since we are the only socialist and anti-imperialist political party actually capable of winning elections. They can support us at election time, we can support them in mass movement work. We even have a dual membership structure which would allow for this and have repeatedly stated our willingness to work together on productive activity, so why doesn't this happen?
Because the actual politics of the CPB is not the one depicted on its flag, in its iconography, in its language, or in its activists eulogising the revolutionary traditions of our country which their own party, the CPB, had nothing to do with.
The actual politics of the CPB is to defend the Labour Party and maintain the link between the working class and the labour aristocracy which our own party has committed itself to destroying. This puts our two parties in a conflict which on the surface may seem strange, but makes perfect sense in practice.
The CPB is socialist in form, capitalist in essence, while the WPB is happy to scrap the communist window-dressing but will never abandon its revolutionary politics.
We are also the best vehicle for building grassroots working-class power. We are not reformists, and we understand that the government throws out the electoral rulebook as soon as its power is threatened.
As it did when the Prime Minister condemned George for winning the Rochdale by election, claiming that this was a "threat to democracy".
As it did when violent attacks were made on our activists, including with machetes and baseball bats, and running them down with cars.
As it did when George and Gayatri were interrogated at Gatwick airport for many hours, and had their devices confiscated for connections to a country which we are not officially at war with.
And as it did when George's bank account was closed without warning and when no guarantee was given that either he or Gayatri could safely return and be united with their family.
Not only this, the campaign in Holborn has actually contributed to our party's goals of expanding our extra-electoral work and working-class power in two key ways:
1. By strengthening ourselves. Through the Holborn campaign, we have had hundreds of on-the-ground conversations, knocked hundreds of doors, and made hundreds of phone calls, all of which allows us to build networks of activists and supporters which can be mobilised for future work. Some of these contacts have already been identified for work in other non-electoral campaigns, including our No Conscription League.
It is insulting and frankly ridiculous to imply that a party with thousands of members and even more supporters, with seven elected councillors and capable of winning hundreds of thousands of votes, is just George Galloway posting on the Internet. We have been running an on-the ground campaign and it doesn't take much research to see this.
Many of these volunteers are sacrificing their own time and incomes and working their asses off, others have even faced workplace disciplinaries for their activism, a level of sacrifice that I never saw within the CPB over anything. Apparently, the more productive work is for the CPB leadership to have a Zoom call, slag us off, and then tell workers not to even bother with the election because the choices are too "unpalatable".
2. By weakening our enemy. Our campaign has held up a mirror to the Green Party to show many thousands of people what an actual socialist and anti-imperialist candidate and party can look like. The Green Party is pro-NATO, pro-war, pro-Israel, and votes through cuts in power. More and more people are waking up to this, but that's only because we actually work to expose the Greens through our campaigning. The Green Party has been losing members as a direct result of this exposure.
Zack Polanski has also had his own, highly convenient political awakening that he is now an "anti-Zionist". Let's be clear, this would not have happened if he was not sensitive to the fact that a genuine anti-Zionist party is cutting into his vote share. Polanski is not an anti-Zionist, his support for watering down the Zionism Is Racism motion makes that clear, and it is likely that the outcome of that vote this weekend will have been influenced by our campaign as well.
Finally, and this should be obvious, we are contesting this election to bring one of the most successful, militant, socialist and anti-imperialist politicians back from exile and place him at the heart of the British establishment.
George will have much greater security from political repression if he is an elected MP, and he does actually have a chance, however slim, of winning. He has won more elections than any other politician in British history bar one, and he's done it before at worse odds than this one.
All we can do is continue to expose opportunists of every stripe, continue to do our work and aim to do better work than we were doing previously. I can't speak for the feelings of CPB members and supporters reading this, but I do know from my own experience that the CPB is hostile to productive work internally and sectarian towards productive work externally.
I was kicked out of the CPB essentially because I insisted on productive work and insisted on challenging the structures and positions which obstructed that work, and many others have been kicked out for similar. If you do challenge these structures, you will also be expelled. If you don't, most of your time which could be spent on productive activity is redirected to pointless nonsense.
At best, those who leave the CPB will usually abandon party work and move to other areas of struggle. At worst, they will become demoralised, depressed, and politically nihilistic.
What I can say for the Workers Party is that the complete opposite is the case. All we care about is your contribution to the party and to the class, and the leadership is desperate for more people ready to do that productive work and will help you if you signal your commitment.
You don't have to join as a member to work with us or support us, but if you want to you can sign up here:
workerspartygb.org/join
Or if you have any questions about how we work, reach out to me, and we can have a call or chat. My DMs are open.