Bits and Pieces from the Balkans and Beyond
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SERBIA | What comes after the election victory?
Two days after the Student List defeated Aleksandar Vučić, its lead candidate Ilija Srdanović has outlined some of the movement’s positions on EU integration, Russia, Kosovo and the formation of a new government.
His interview with Radio Free Europe offers an early indication of how the election winners intend to move from protest to government.
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A FIRST TAKEAWAY | The interview provides some initial answers, but leaves substantial questions unresolved.
The carefully calibrated language on foreign policy suggests that diplomatic advisers may already have had a hand in shaping the responses.
Equally significant is Srdanović’s statement that the Student List’s future MPs, rather than university plenums, will decide on government candidates. This suggests a shift towards parliamentary decision-making, although the future role of the plenums remains unclear.
Still, the transition from a broad protest movement to a parliamentary government is only just beginning.
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FROM PLENUMS TO PARLIAMENT | One of the more significant statements concerned the formation of the next government.
Srdanović said decisions on the prime minister and cabinet members would be made by the Student List’s parliamentary majority, rather than referring those decisions back to university plenums.
The plenums have been central to the movement’s organisation and decision-making.
His statement suggests a shift towards parliamentary responsibility as the movement prepares to govern. How much influence the plenums will retain remains unclear.
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OTHER QUESTIONS | Srdanović rejected political reprisals and said the Student List had neither encouraged nor supported the intrusion into the offices of the pro-government broadcaster Informer.
On Bosnia and Herzegovina, he called for continued cooperation with Republika Srpska. Asked about Srebrenica, he referred to court rulings and Serbia’s 2010 parliamentary declaration, but declined to elaborate on the ICJ’s genocide ruling.
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FOREIGN POLICY | On Russia, Srdanović avoided a firm commitment to maintaining Serbia’s refusal to impose sanctions, although the Student List’s programme explicitly opposes them.
Instead, he called for an open public debate on the country’s foreign policy direction. No policy change was announced.
On Kosovo, he confirmed that dialogue with Pristina would continue, but added an important qualification: agreements concluded by previous Serbian governments could be reviewed for compliance with Serbia’s constitution.
That leaves open the question of how existing international commitments will be implemented.
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EU INTEGRATION | Srdanović confirmed that Serbia would continue its EU accession process, which has made little progress in recent years.
He blamed the outgoing government for declining public support for EU membership and pledged to align Serbia’s domestic policies with Chapters 23 and 24 of the accession negotiations.
These cover the judiciary, fundamental rights, justice, freedom and security — including the rule of law, anti-corruption measures and the functioning of democratic institutions.
Srdanović also argued that many Serbians had received insufficient or misleading information about the EU and what membership would mean for them.
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An excellent analysis by strategic communications expert Nikola Spasov of Vučić’s media strategy and the role of Informer and similar outlets. Propaganda that once helped sustain his power had increasingly become counterproductive, provoking disgust rather than persuasion.
Piše ekspert za strateške komunikacije Nikola Spasov. Prevod sa makedonskog
“Gledam upad u Informer, pa mi pade na pamet nešto o čemu sam razmišljao odavno. A to je da će Vučić izgubiti od sopstvene propagande.
Narodu Srbije je svakako bilo preko glave kriminala, korupcije, neodgovornosti i svih posledica 14 godina vlasti. Ali jedna od najvećih pokretačkih snaga mobilizacije bila je stalna izloženost Vučićevoj propagandi i njegovim medijskim poltronima koji su trovali narod danju i noću.
Ne govorim samo o klasičnoj političkoj propagandi, laganju, manipulaciji informacijama ili veličanju vođe. Toga ima u mnogim zemljama i nije ništa neviđeno. Njegova propaganda je bila jedinstvena jer je dovela do potpune estradizacije politike preko starleta, kojekakvih plaćenika, stalnog uništavanja civilizovanog dijaloga u društvu i opevanja proseka i primitivizma.
Godinama se u srpskim medijima stvarala paralelna realnost. Nacionalne televizije, tabloidi i političke emisije namenski su pretvoreni u rijaliti programe. Vučić nije koristio propagandu samo da bi kontrolisao politiku, već da bi promenio standarde čitavog društva. Za propagandu u Srbiji slobodno se može reći da se graničila sa psihološkom torturom.
Ljudi mogu dugo da trpe lošu vlast. Mogu da se naviknu na korupciju, nepravdu, partijsko zapošljavanje, pa čak i na političku aroganciju. Ali kada im svakodnevno vređaš inteligenciju, kada im pretvaraš javni prostor u septičku jamu i kada im poručuješ da je primitivizam nova društvena normalnost, počinješ da stvaraš gađenje.
A gađenje je sasvim drugačija politička emocija od nezadovoljstva. Nezadovoljan građanin traži bolju vlast. Zgadjeni građanin želi da nestane ceo sistem koji ga svakodnevno ponižava.
Studentski pokret je uspeo da mobiliše tako širok otpor ne samo zato što je ponudio alternativu Vučiću, već zato što je svojom pristojnošću, dostojanstvom i solidarnošću postao potpuna suprotnost svemu što je njegova propagandna mašinerija godinama promovisala.
Ironija je u tome što je propagandna mašinerija nastavila da radi punom parom čak i kada je već postajalo očigledno da stvara kontraefekat. Na kraju, Vučić je postao žrtva sopstvenog političkog proizvoda.”
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Georg von Ehren retweeted
Piše ekspert za strateške komunikacije Nikola Spasov. Prevod sa makedonskog
“Gledam upad u Informer, pa mi pade na pamet nešto o čemu sam razmišljao odavno. A to je da će Vučić izgubiti od sopstvene propagande.
Narodu Srbije je svakako bilo preko glave kriminala, korupcije, neodgovornosti i svih posledica 14 godina vlasti. Ali jedna od najvećih pokretačkih snaga mobilizacije bila je stalna izloženost Vučićevoj propagandi i njegovim medijskim poltronima koji su trovali narod danju i noću.
Ne govorim samo o klasičnoj političkoj propagandi, laganju, manipulaciji informacijama ili veličanju vođe. Toga ima u mnogim zemljama i nije ništa neviđeno. Njegova propaganda je bila jedinstvena jer je dovela do potpune estradizacije politike preko starleta, kojekakvih plaćenika, stalnog uništavanja civilizovanog dijaloga u društvu i opevanja proseka i primitivizma.
Godinama se u srpskim medijima stvarala paralelna realnost. Nacionalne televizije, tabloidi i političke emisije namenski su pretvoreni u rijaliti programe. Vučić nije koristio propagandu samo da bi kontrolisao politiku, već da bi promenio standarde čitavog društva. Za propagandu u Srbiji slobodno se može reći da se graničila sa psihološkom torturom.
Ljudi mogu dugo da trpe lošu vlast. Mogu da se naviknu na korupciju, nepravdu, partijsko zapošljavanje, pa čak i na političku aroganciju. Ali kada im svakodnevno vređaš inteligenciju, kada im pretvaraš javni prostor u septičku jamu i kada im poručuješ da je primitivizam nova društvena normalnost, počinješ da stvaraš gađenje.
A gađenje je sasvim drugačija politička emocija od nezadovoljstva. Nezadovoljan građanin traži bolju vlast. Zgadjeni građanin želi da nestane ceo sistem koji ga svakodnevno ponižava.
Studentski pokret je uspeo da mobiliše tako širok otpor ne samo zato što je ponudio alternativu Vučiću, već zato što je svojom pristojnošću, dostojanstvom i solidarnošću postao potpuna suprotnost svemu što je njegova propagandna mašinerija godinama promovisala.
Ironija je u tome što je propagandna mašinerija nastavila da radi punom parom čak i kada je već postajalo očigledno da stvara kontraefekat. Na kraju, Vučić je postao žrtva sopstvenog političkog proizvoda.”
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Georg von Ehren retweeted
Serbiens Autokrat Aleksandar Vučić habe seine Wahlniederlage wie ein Gentleman eingeräumt. Das behaupten seine Claqueure. Wer sich seinen Auftritt am Sonntagabend anhört(e), kommt zu einem anderen Schluss. Ein Thread. (1/7)
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Georg von Ehren retweeted
ОТВОРЕНО ПИСМО
РУКОВОДСТВУ РТС-а, САВЕТУ РЕМ-а
И НАРОДНОЈ СКУПШТИНИ
Грађани имају право на истинито, потпуно и непристрасно информисање. Захтевамо одговорност институција и ослобађање јавног сервиса од политичких утицаја.
РТС – Захтевамо неодложне оставке генералног директора, његовог заменика и уредништва информативног програма. Тражимо привремену управу, предложену у договору Студентске листе и репрезентативних синдиката РТС-а, уз именовање у складу са законом.
РЕМ – Захтевамо независно поступање, јавност одлука и објашњење поступања у случају Информера. Тражимо јаван и образложен одговор у року од седам дана од пријема писма.
НАРОДНА СКУПШТИНА – Залагаћемо се за попуњавање упражњених места у Савету РЕМ-а кроз законит и транспарентан поступак, заснован на стручности и независности кандидата.
ЈАВНИ СЕРВИС МОРА ДА СЛУЖИ ГРАЂАНИМА.
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BELGRADE | A bus ride. A moment to reflect.
One week in Tirana, four days in Belgrade. Two stories with striking similarities – and fundamental differences.
It's interesting to see people in Albania now looking to Serbia's student movement as a model for their own struggle.
Both stories are far from over, but for very different reasons.
In Tirana, the question is where the protests will lead – and whether they can bring about meaningful political change.
In Belgrade, the challenge has shifted. Winning an election was one thing. Making difficult decisions, taking responsibility for governing, and keeping a movement with such diverse political views and expectations together will be quite another.
Tomorrow morning, I fly back to Vienna.
But I'll be back. Both places have more stories to tell. And I certainly haven't finished following them.
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After Vucic defeat, Serbia waits to learn how student-backed leaders will govern reut.rs/4jCMFx9
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BELGRADE | Ćaciland is gone.
Belgraders can walk their dogs in Pionirski Park again.
Since March 2025, the park had been occupied by “Ćaciland”, a pro-Vučić tent camp set up to counter the student-led protests.
The traces remain: burned-out cars, debris and a trailer displaying Vučić election advertising.
Just hours after the Student List's election victory, clean-up work is already underway this Monday morning.
Video: Pionirski Park, Belgrade | October 26, 2026, local - own footage
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SERBIA ELECTION | BELGRADE Police withdraw
Terazije, just a few minutes ago: Celebrating crowds approaching from London and Terazije come together after police withdrew from Kralja Milana Street.
Video: Own footage.
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SERBIA ELECTION | BELGRADE
Celebrations on the streets of Belgrade tonight after Aleksandar Vučić conceded defeat in Serbia's parliamentary election.
The student-backed list is projected to win an outright majority in parliament, ending 14 years of political dominance by Vučić and his party.
Video: Belgrade, tonight. Own footage.
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SERBIA ELECTION | BELGRADE, 8 PM
Polling stations have closed across Serbia.
A heavy police presence in central Belgrade tonight. Kralja Milana Street has been closed to traffic between Terazije and London, near the Republic Electoral Commission and the presidential building.
According to N1, pedestrian access is also restricted, with exceptions for residents and people working in the area. Shop owners along Kralja Milana are putting up wooden boards to protect their windows.
Video: Police roadblock on Kralja Milana Street, central Belgrade, shortly after polls closed. Own footage.
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SERBIA VOTES | The election-day vox pop trap.
Here in Belgrade, the taxi driver, the hotel receptionist, the barista at this morning's café. Three out of three for the Student List. Vučić is finished. Case closed.
A familiar trap for reporters flying in to cover an election.
But Serbia is more complicated than that. Vučić still has a substantial base of support, particularly among older voters and in rural areas. And despite high turnout, the outcome of today's parliamentary election remains uncertain at 2 p.m.
Irregularities before and during the vote could become particularly consequential if the Student List loses narrowly. The closer the result, the greater the potential for disputes over its legitimacy.
But what if the Student List wins?
That could be just as interesting. The movement has brought together people with very different political backgrounds, convictions and expectations. Winning an election is one thing. Turning electoral success into effective government is another.
There could be plenty of friction – and a few disappointments along the way. Including for us in the EU, if we discover that the Student List does not necessarily share our views on Europe, Russia or Kosovo – or turn out to be quite as pro-European as we might hope.
The end of one political era, should it come, would not automatically tell us what the next one will look like.
Video: President Aleksandar Vučić patiently waiting in line to vote in New Belgrade. A rather useful image for a politician who understands the value of such moments. Own footage - 25.10.2026, 08:15 local
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