If you believe that mindless AI evaluations are legitimate then why would you spread the evaluation of Saez & @gabriel_zucman without first subjecting it to its own mindless AI evaluation? I just did and it turns out the critic's errors all go in one direction.

Hello @elonmusk and @tylercowen , You have just decided to publicly attack our research, six days before the vote on the California billionaire wealth tax. Your attempt to discredit our work and that of our numerous academic colleagues is pathetic. Let’s take a look. 🧵

We have made and will make mistakes as we go along doing research. Even AI-generated code with older models will end up getting destroyed by audits with newer ones. Retractions aren't the way forward. We should welcome continuous audits, but decentralize the corrigenda 1/n

This is a really cool experiment! I find the results convincing, at least anecdotally. The converse may also be true: religious preachers who speak against women’s rights may shape men’s attitudes in ways that translate into discriminatory or regressive behaviour towards women.

dismal science 🥲.

The case with pharmaceutical product/process patents is not that simplistic, rather complex. Two competing arguments: 1. aeaweb.org/articles?id=10.12… 2. aeaweb.org/articles?id=10.12… However, having been a victim of TB myself, I see it as a welcome step, at least at the margin.

Have worked on innovations for quite a bit now. Patents granted by the Indian Patent Office may reflect some degree of domestic bias. In that sense, securing a patent from USPTO or other foreign offices, where novelty standards may be more stringent, is particularly impressive.

Encaustic on Canvas! Immersed in a tide of crimson intensity. This work embodies the fever of desire, passion, inner turbulence - where emotions dissolve boundaries between ecstasy and unrest! 📍 Jehangir Art Gallery, Mumbai.

It's just a shame that Limodio miscoded the treatment period to include the month before Ramadhan rather than the month after. The result disappears when the period described in the text is used. The curse of the slop five strikes again.

"F*ck all of those people." Omar El Akkad, author of One Day, Everyone Will Have Always Been Against This, tells Novara Media's @StevenJMethven that he does not trust Tucker Carlson, despite the far-right US commentator's criticism of Israel's genocide in Gaza. Watch the latest episode of Downstream on our YouTube channel.

U.S. Senate candidate @AbdulElSayed (D-MI): "I'm not in the business of defending myself...it's about a whole lot of folks whose lives have been made so much worse because of politics and hate and racism that affects communities in structural ways."

An article has been circulating in the print media, written by an IPS officer who goes by the name of Ibn-e-Khaldun Bharti, questioning Sharjeel Imam’s politics by branding him anti-secular, Islamist, reductionist, conservative, and everything else that can be deployed to delegitimise a political subject without seriously engaging with his ideas. One cannot help but wonder why the author chooses to conceal his identity behind a pseudonym. To understand Sharjeel Imam, one must engage with critical theory, political philosophy, metaphysics, and the historical conditions that shape political thought. One cannot reduce his politics to the familiar binaries of secularism and communalism, or expect complex questions of Muslim political identity, representation, and resistance to yield to such convenient categories. It is particularly disappointing that many academics who understand these complexities choose to remain silent, even as public discourse increasingly turns into an exercise in labelling, vilification, and intellectual simplification. Sharjeel Imam’s critique of the Constitution, or his questioning of the political order it sustains, does not automatically amount to a rejection of constitutionalism. The Constitution itself provides for its amendment, while democratic politics must retain the space to question existing institutions, arrangements, and constitutional assumptions. A constitutional democracy that cannot accommodate fundamental criticism of its own framework risks reducing dissent to a privilege granted at the convenience of those in power. His invocation of Muhammad Ali Jinnah and Muhammad Iqbal must also be understood within the larger history of Muslim political thought in the subcontinent. They are part of our pre-Partition intellectual and political history, however uncomfortable that history may be. We cannot simply erase them from our historical consciousness because their ideas, political choices, or legacies are contested. To invoke Jinnah is not necessarily to endorse Jinnah, just as engaging with a political thinker does not amount to an uncritical acceptance of everything they believed or represented. History cannot be understood through selective remembrance, nor can political thought be evaluated through guilt by association. The task is to interrogate, contextualise, and critically engage with these legacies, not to banish them from legitimate discourse. The easiest thing for political polemicists to do is to call Sharjeel Imam an Islamist, reduce his arguments to a convenient ideological label, and present that label as sufficient justification for his political and social exclusion. In a climate where such labels can have consequences far beyond intellectual debate, this is a particularly dangerous exercise. Defending Sharjeel Imam does not require agreeing with every argument he has made. It requires defending the right to engage with his ideas seriously, to examine them critically, and to resist the impulse to replace argument with accusation. The question is whether we are willing to confront the complexity of Muslim political thought in India, or whether we would rather consign it to a set of labels that make it easier to condemn than to understand. #SharjeelImam

During Ajmal Kasab's trial, public prosecutor Ujjwal Nikam (now with the BJP and Rajya Sabha member) spread lies about Kasab demanding chicken biryani while in jail to shape Indian public opinion as desired by the State. He himself admitted to it. In present times, IPS officer Huda, who writes a column under the pseudonym ibn khaldun bharti, provides similar services for the present regime, as his hit job on Sharjeel Imam's interview shows--manufacturing public consent for perpetual denial of his bail. As far as Imam is concerned, he is extremely well-read, perceptive and fearless for his age. My contrary views on religion and political Islam notwithstanding, there is much to agree with his assertions on Hinduisation of Indian politics, well before the emergence of the BJP or the BJS. I have written about it in #TheHindiHeartland in the chapter on Indian freedom struggle. Before me, historians likes Gyanendra Pandey, Pratinav Anil, Manan Ahmed Asif etc., had written about it. In fact, in 1997, Vasudha Dalmia had written a book titled The Nationalisation of Hindu Traditions, in which she showed how Hindu practices came to be positioned and regarded as national culture leading to the imagination of India as a Hindu country. Imam is only saying what everyone knows but pretends otherwise

RT @courtinglaw: Thanks to the chatter on X, I found my way to Sharjeel’s interview. It is a thoughtful interview, if anyone cares to read…

Perspective! Are more cosmopolitan places also more religious? Put differently, is Mumbai more religious than Delhi? And are the Deccan/Peninsula regions more religious than North India?

Housing, real estate, food, & transportation prices are artificially inflated in Mumbai. These markets interact in gen. equilibrium setting, creating a self reinforcing cycle of rising costs.Their simultaneous interaction produces an equilibrium that is persistently unaffordable

While a plausible claim, I think this claim is missing some important context

Where you should be filing your IP suit? Delhi HC or Bombay HC? The answer is Delhi HC for its efficiency. Very intersting. theprint.in/opinion/counting…