It really is an IQ test if you think the French protests are about immigrants and not the dire state of economy.

A new video taken this morning shows israeli bulldozers destroying the remains of Palestinian houses east of Khan Younis.

French agents provocateur throw grenades on the street to coax police violence They then NOD to the cops and leave TOGETHER with them

Prof. Robert Pape reveals Donald Trump’s 3-DAY BOMBING CAMPAIGN plan against Iran, warns of massive escalation ‘I’ve been warning for weeks that we would be moving to a stage of the escalation trap where we would see the war spread to Saudi Arabia and Yemen, and that has in fact happened. This is what I was anticipating and warning against. And within that, what I’ve been warning about is you will have both horizontal and vertical escalation that will occur, and it’s occurring because what you’re seeing is President Trump cannot really bring himself to end the war, and it’s because if he does that, he will have to admit defeat. And as a result, what he’s doing is he’s taking steps that feed the war or escalate the war himself. And right now, he has on his desk a three-day air plan, and you might say, “Well, three days, what’s the big deal?” This looks like a version of Instant Thunder, the air plan to decapitate Saddam Hussein and paralyse the government in Iraq in the ’91 war. This could be a much more broad, widespread set of targeting with that three days, and this is why he may also be bringing in the Marines. This could be much more consequential than the public currently realises, and it’s because President Trump is under the gun to demonstrate he’s still in control, and so I think that this is what is leading to the current continuing escalation in the overall Iran war, and it could occur even worse just in the next few weeks.’ Watch the full interview in the quoted post below 👇 @ProfessorPape

🇾🇪|Bay'ah: A tribal delegation from Najran has traveled to Yemen to pledge bay'ah, allegiance, to Sayyid Abdul Malik al Houthi. The nature of this event requires no characterization by Western newspapers. It is, in itself, a constitutional act. In tribal tradition, bay'ah is neither a statement of support nor an expression of sympathy. It is a transfer of sovereignty. When a tribe pledges allegiance to an individual, it acknowledges that person as its political authority, recognizing his protection as taking precedence over that of the existing ruler, and his commands as superseding those of the previous authority. Bay'ah is not a mere opinion. It is a binding contract. And the beneficiary of this contract is not the King of Saudi Arabia. Prior to the 1934 Treaty of Taif, the regions of Najran, Jizan, and Asir were not part of Saudi Arabia. They belonged to the Mutawakkilite Kingdom of Yemen. The border was not the product of tribal consensus, but rather the result of military conquest, endorsed by British imperialism. For ninety years, Riyadh has managed this border through two primary methods: co-opting tribal elders with subsidies, and using security apparatuses to suppress the religious identities of the local population. Najran is home to a significant Ismaili community, while Asir and Jizan have substantial Zaydi populations. This has nothing to do with Iran. These are indigenous, native identities, identities that the Saudi state has never truly trusted. When a tribe pledges allegiance to Sanaa, it is not turning toward Iran. It is, rather, returning to the line from which it was forcibly severed in 1934. The Bankruptcy of the Co-optation Strategy The Saudi strategy of co-opting tribes contains an inherent mechanism for collapse. When Yemeni missiles strike Najran, Jizan, or Abha, who are the casualties? They are Saudi citizens from these border provinces, members of tribal families who have been expected to bear the costs of war under the banner of defending the Kingdom. Riyadh cannot protect them. Its air defense systems cannot intercept every strike. Its subsidies cannot purchase security. The loyalty Riyadh demands is one sided: you bear the costs, while we keep the throne. The logic of a tribe is never rooted in ideology. It is rooted in survival. When a protector fails to provide protection, the tribe seeks another. This is not betrayal. It is the fundamental arithmetic of tribal politics. Military Reality: Al Bayda cannot be viewed in isolation from the broader battlefield. Yemeni armed forces have advanced more than 100 kilometers deep into the Rub al Khali, Empty Quarter, desert, clearing out Saudi backed proxy forces. Missiles and drones have struck Aramco facilities in Yanbu, the Shaybah oil field, and airports in Jeddah and Khamis Mushait. These are not mere border skirmishes. They are strikes against the very core of the Saudi state and its military apparatus. When Shaybah, an oil field buried deep within the Rub al Khali, hundreds of kilometers from the Yemeni border, was struck, the concept of strategic depth effectively died. Border provinces are no longer buffer zones. They have become the front line. And those living on the front line will not indefinitely endure attacks for the sake of a throne that cannot protect them. Who Is Losing the South? This is the slow disintegration of an arrangement, a relic of the colonial era. The people of Najran, Jizan, and Asir are witnessing the Saudi state's failure on three fronts: it cannot protect them, it cannot win the war, and it can no longer buy their silence. Amidst this triple failure, they are rediscovering a history that had been buried since 1934. Saudi Arabia launched its war in Yemen to secure its southern border. Instead, it has militarized the political identity of that entire border region. Al Bayda is not the end. It is the first crack. And once a crack appears, the pressure will continue to propagate along it.