…The politician stands and promises benefits … but he hasn't told us who is going to die… N.kum #mytwicents

中國人很少提，日本也很少人知道的事： 從1979到2022日本透過官方建設協助計畫(ODA)給了中國50億美金，並以低利息(0.75到2%)的長期貸款(30到40年)借給中國300億美金。錢是一直有如期繳款，但到現在還有約150億美金的餘額，要到2050年左右才會完全付清。這些錢建設了中國的 港口：秦皇島，青島 1/2

I have written and demonstrated several times in the past that developing nations that adopt the core tenets of the Washington Consensus cannot industrialize. Under the Olusegun Obasanjo regime, Nigeria established the NEEDS programme, drafted by prominent figures like Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala and Charles Soludo. This marked the moment Nigeria fully adopted the core tenets of the Washington Consensus, a free-market capitalist model that Western nations and the United States aggressively recommend to developing nations as the supposed key to industrialization. The Washington Consensus advocated for limited government intervention, arguing that government-directed lending, interest rate ceilings, and sectoral quotas distort markets and fuel bureaucratic corruption. Obasanjo and his economic team adopted this model under the illusion that if banks and private corporations were well-capitalized and allowed to flourish, they would naturally allocate credit to the most productive sectors of the economy without state interference. To this end, Obasanjo engaged in drastic public sector downsizing. Many state assets and seaports were auctioned off to private investors. Civil servants who were naturally entitled to benefits like housing, healthcare, and pension security were stripped of these safety nets. These benefits were converted into a consolidated "allowance," a minor stipend that was hardly enough to cover basic rent, let alone medical emergencies. This deliberate destruction of public services by Obasanjo's team was based on the flawed premise that if private corporate interests were allowed to thrive, they would accumulate capital and organically fund domestic industries. In 2004, the then Central Bank Governor, Charles Soludo, announced that all banks were required to raise their capital base from 5 billion naira to 25 billion naira with a strict deadline. This crushed smaller banks, forcing them to merge or be acquired, consolidating 89 banks into 25 mega-banks. Furthermore, sectoral lending quotas were abolished, interest rates were fully deregulated, and capital controls were relaxed. This gave private banks absolute power to dictate exactly where credit flowed. Additionally, Nigerian banks were allowed to aggressively market their shares to the public, using depositors' funds to artificially inflate their stock prices and record fictitious paper profits. The Bank of Industry (BOI), established under Obasanjo, was severely underfunded. Consequently, the only way manufacturers could access capital was through these private mega-banks. However, these banks charged exorbitant interest rates, often exceeding 20% over a 12-month period. Manufacturing is not a sector that vomits profits in a matter of weeks; it requires years of sustained production and capital expenditure just to break even. Servicing bank loans at such predatory interest rates is mathematically impossible for any infant industry. Ultimately, these banks, armed with their newly minted massive capital, did not fund domestic industries. Private investors do not care about long-term national development; they are driven exclusively by short-term profit maximization. Instead of funding factories, they directed credit to importers bringing finished foreign goods into the country. Thus, the capital that should have naturally been used to build local industries and employ the masses was instead used to finance consumer imports and service lucrative oil extraction contracts, all while ordinary Nigerians were stripped of their social benefits and left to starve. This financialization of Nigeria by the Obasanjo regime was not limited to the banking sector. Obasanjo placed strict import bans on cement, textiles, poultry, and other essential commodities. He also granted exclusive tax holidays and import waivers worth trillions of naira to a select group of local oligarchs, ostensibly to encourage the domestic manufacturing of these goods. The problem was not the import bans themselves. Many developing nations that successfully industrialized relied heavily on import substitution to protect local manufacturing. However, in those successful nations, state support and tax holidays were not free gifts; they came with ruthless performance conditionalities. In South Korea, for example, state-backed firms were legally required to meet strict export targets, master foreign technologies within specific timeframes, and reinvest their profits into capital-intensive, technologically sophisticated industries. If a corporate tycoon diverted state-subsidized profits into real estate speculation, luxury consumption, or capital flight, the state threw them in prison, revoked their licenses, and seized their assets. Under Obasanjo, the Nigerian state provided all the carrots (monopoly licenses, import bans, tax holidays) but absolutely zero sticks. The newly minted billionaires who generated trillions of naira in annual revenues did not reinvest that capital into heavy industrialization. Instead, they used their state-sponsored profits to buy luxury real estate in foreign capitals. Millions of dollars extracted from the Nigerian economy were siphoned into offshore bank accounts. In the rare cases where they did invest back home, the capital was diverted into luxury real estate, high-end hotels, and speculative commercial ventures that 99% of the Nigerian public could not possibly afford. Industrialization is fundamentally a state-directed and state-funded endeavor. The neoliberal free-market model prescribed by the Washington Consensus is designed only to keep developing nations perpetually poor and pry open their resources for global capital to devour. Sadly, Nigerian leaders, regardless of their political affiliations, continue to swallow this Western economic dogma. By doing so, a small circle of political elites and foreign banks continues to monopolize the wealth of the nation, while the working masses are continuously pushed below the poverty line, leaving more than 65% of the population currently trapped in multidimensional poverty.

16th century French geographer Andre Thevet came up with the name Alkebulan, which he and many people today erroneously believe was the original or ancient name for Africa. In his book Cosmographie Universelle, he translated the Arabic word Al-Qibla (Ghibli), the name of a North African desert wind that blows in the direction of the Qibla in Mecca, as Alkebulan. Thevet correctly identified Alkebulan as a desert wind, then he later claimed was also the local name for Africa

some African so called analysts on this app claim that pan Africanism can't work and large countries should disintergrate because they're to diverse and that these tribes will deal with white people separately my brother you already did it's called the slave trade.

This reminds me of a fascinating story I read,of when in the 1970s Daniel Everett,a linguist and Christian went to the Amazon jungle to convert a tribe called the piraha people to Christianity and completely failed for one crazy reason 😂😂 When Daniel Everett arrived with his wife and kids at the remote Pirahã village in the Amazon, His mission was clear…learn their language,translate the New Testament,and convert this isolated hunter gatherer group to Christianity. What he encountered instead was one of the most radical cultural and linguistic worldviews ever documented 😂. From his experience,Everett eventually formalized what he called the “Immediacy of Experience Principle”. What this means in essence is the Pirahã culture and grammar strongly constrain what can be meaningfully discussed or believed…to them,knowledge must be anchored in direct,personal observation or at most in the recent testimony of living people you know. Things that happened long ago,that no one alive has seen,or that exist only in abstract or supernatural realms fall into the category of what they called xibipío (“gone out of experience”). They don’t deny it outrightly.. to them, such things simply carry no weight and are not worth serious talk. This principle shapes everything for them… and is why they have No creation myths or origin storis , No numbers beyond rough quantities like “a few” or “many.” , No recursive embedding in grammar (you can’t easily say “kelvin’s brother’s house” … you say two separate sentences). Their Stories and discourse stay tethered to the here and now. Now Christian theology, by contrast, is built on precisely the kind of claims the Pirahã worldview filters out…A distant creation,Miracles and events from thousands of years ago, A savior no living person has met, Salvation and afterlife described in ancient texts. Everett tried …He told them the story of Jesus..his birth,teachings,death,and resurrection. The Pirahã listened politely,then asked the questions their language and culture demanded… “Have you met this man?” “Did you see him?” “Did your father see him?” When Everett admitted he had not , that these events happened 2,000 years earlier and were known only through a book,the conversation effectively ended 😂. “That’s interesting,” some of them would say, treating the Gospel the same way they treated any other distant tale…as something outside lived experience, therefore irrelevant to how they live and what they believe. Notice It wasn’t hostile rejection(like the one you’d get from the people of the sentinel islands in India). It was epistemological incompatibility. The theology couldn’t even gain traction because their entire system of knowledge validation rejected second hand ancient testimony. Everett kept trying for years. He failed to produce a usable Bible translation. Meanwhile, living among people who were profoundly content, generous, and empirically grounded …with no concept of sin, eternal punishment, or a distant deity. By 1982 he himself started havinv serious doubts about his beliefs and by 1985 he had quietly become an atheist. The man who had come to convert the Pirahã had instead been “converted” by their way of seeing reality.😅 As Everett later wrote and said in interviews, the deepest challenge wasn’t an argument against Christianity. It was living inside a culture where the very criteria for what counts as real knowledge made supernatural historical claims feel as weightless as yesterday’s dream. The Pirahã didn’t need to debate theology. Their language and worldview simply had no slot for it and, in the process, they helped a missionary lose his faith without ever raising their voices.😂 Makes you wonder, what would a Christian say the fate of these people is? Eternal torment? We can all see how that would be problematic. Would they somehow make heaven and get judged by how they live their lives? But That would make the whole Christian message irrelevant. 🙂

Superficial "Cultural Pride" is a toxic intellectual disease that has heavily infested the minds of Africans, regardless of their level of education, social standing, or financial status in society. It is precisely due to this crippling disease of cultural romanticism that we are yet to experience genuine, structural decolonization in Africa. This is because whenever the urgent question of true decolonization is raised, we naively interpret it as merely going back to the ancient ways of our ancestors, wearing traditional beads, and chanting pre-colonial slogans, rather than focusing on the rigorous, materialist analysis of the economic systems that sustain neocolonialism. The most politically appealing form of liberation that brings immense, shallow joy to the faces of Africans is purely symbolic decolonization. This is why we passionately celebrate news reports of African military leaders changing the parade uniforms of their soldiers, but we never once stop to ask if the brutal, neocolonial military doctrines used to train these soldiers have been completely scrapped. It is the repressive colonial doctrine that the military receives in the academy that forces them to view their own local civilian populations as hostile internal enemies, occupying targets, and rebellious mobs to be brutally suppressed, rather than sovereign citizens to be protected. Similarly, we as Africans endlessly celebrate and aspire to see our judges stop wearing ridiculous British horsehair wigs, black gowns, and foreign colonial attire, but we never talk about completely overhauling the neocolonial doctrines that our law students, barristers, and judges are brainwashed with in university. It is the toxic doctrine of "Legal Positivism" that conditions them to view law not as a dynamic set of principles designed to deliver justice, protect human rights, or serve social utility, but rather as an unassailable, unquestionable set of top-down command rules that must be blindly, uncritically followed without question. Our primary, relentless focus should be on the underlying legal doctrine, the academic curriculum, and the judicial training, not on the courtroom attire. When a judicial system is trained strictly in rigid legal positivism, the primary duty of a judge is seen not as uncovering the truth, delivering substantive justice, or protecting victimized citizens, but merely as ensuring that the procedural technicalities and bureaucratic rules of the game were followed to the exact letter. We have repeatedly witnessed Nigerian courts routinely strike out critical lawsuits, major commercial claims, human rights petitions, and even serious murder appeals simply because a lawyer forgot to affix the official Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) adhesive stamp to a court process, or because the digital stamp had expired by a few days. The court routinely ignores the crushing facts of the case, turns a blind eye to human suffering, and focuses solely on the presence or absence of a tiny paper sticker. Similarly, high-profile corruption trials involving the looting of billions of public Naira frequently collapse in our courts, not because the accused politicians proved their innocence, returned the stolen assets, or vindicated their names, but because high-priced defense lawyers raised preliminary objections arguing that the charge sheet contained a minor clerical error, or that the prosecuting agency filed under the wrong subsection of a colonial-era statute. This is precisely why, even after these superficial cultural pride reforms, African nations still desperately struggle to make any real progress in leadership, governance, or industrialization. We are still operating with an un-decolonized, colonial-era state architecture designed strictly for resource extraction, population control, and wealth siphoning, as opposed to civic service, popular sovereignty, and human development. The judiciary and the military are merely two violent branches of these neocolonial institutions, and an identical argument can easily be made for our civil service, tax agencies, police forces, and educational systems. But rather than aggressively going after these extractive systems, systematically dismantling them, and building new sovereign institutions, our local intellectuals are merely fixated on how to comfortably wear native traditional attire, wooden beads, and local caps inside these exact same colonial courtrooms. Sadly, what our romantic cultural nationalists completely fail to understand is that performative cultural pride will never rescue Africans from the crushing pangs of Western imperialism, simply because traditional culture and neocolonial exploitation can comfortably, harmoniously, and profitably coexist. The imperial core does not care about the skin tone of the man sitting in the executive office, or whether he has traditional African beads, hand-woven fabrics, and royal coral wristbands neatly wrapped around him. All that matters to global capital is whether our crude oil, solid minerals, gold reserves, and agricultural wealth continue to flow to Western metropoles completely uninterrupted, and whether any working-class uprising is immediately, violently crushed by local police and military officers. It makes zero difference to the Western bankers if the police officers enforcing this violent subjugation are dressed in standard tactical gear or the traditional attire of native African priests; all that matters to the empire is that the local population remains thoroughly subjugated, politically pacified, and economically exploited, while the resource pipeline out of the continent remains permanently open.

Captain Ibrahim Traore’s decision to phase out thesis writing for engineering students in Burkina Faso to demand practical manufacturing will collapse into unscalable "science fair" projects without a sovereign central bank and a State Industrial Base. Here is why: 🧵

Look at the animals that brought in buhari into power This is what I mean when I say, Nigerians are unserious when they say focus on your leaders The same leaders who are Moving with this kind of evil Someone somewhere paid to make sure you get a slow weak man for a president We have a long way to go as a nation

Elections replace governments but not the class character of the state. Political parties reorganise themselves, alliances emerge and dissolve, constitutions are amended and public institutions are restructured, yet the essential structures of dependency and exploitation persist.

This is precisely the tragic reality that W.E.B. Du Bois painfully discovered during the final stages of his intellectual life. The Black individuals who somehow manage to accumulate personal wealth, corporate power, and elite social status do not . . 1/n

People assume that when Steve Biko said, “Black man, you are on your own,” he was expressing despair or abandonment. The assumption is that he was saying, “Don’t expect help,” or “No one is coming to save you.” In reality, Biko meant the opposite. When you read Biko’s writings, it becomes easily apparent that he was pushing back against a few things, including the growing dependence of Black people on White liberal “allies.” He argued that even well-meaning White involvement would unintentionally reinforce power imbalances. When he said the now-famous slogan, Biko was identifying a pattern where White liberals were leading Black organisations, which was causing natives to frame freedom in terms of entry into white-defined norms. His issue with this was that it kept Black people in a dependent position, or as a “perpetual pupil,” as he put it. Biko saw White liberals as often wanting to “uplift” Black people within the existing colonial structure, rather than dismantle it. Their help, even if well-intentioned, kept Black people as junior partners. Biko was frustrated by how the “freedom” many natives wanted was just better treatment within a White-run system, things like less harsh passes, slightly higher wages, a few parliamentary seats, while still playing under rules set by the coloniser. To Biko, this was not genuine liberation. Biko further noted how, once liberation is framed as something White people teach about, Black people are forever in a learning position. According to him, the first lesson is that there is nothing to be taught from that position at all, that the pupil must declare the teacher irrelevant to that particular journey. That’s why his Black Consciousness philosophy insisted on not rushing into policy negotiations, which is what the ANC eventually settled for, but a psychological revolution where Black people rejected the very premise that they needed White guidance. Unfortunately, this is the trap the ANC fell into when it pursued exactly what Biko warned against by negotiating for a place WITHIN a fundamentally unchanged economic and political structure of neoliberal capitalism, a constitution protecting property rights inherited from Apartheid, etc. In fact, Biko was so deep that the fight he saw wasn’t first against Apartheid laws, but against the internalised belief that a White-run world is natural; a belief that makes “freedom” look like asking for better seats on someone else’s ship, rather than learning to build your own. If Steve Biko were alive today, he would bemoan a psychological revolution that never happened. A walk through modern South Africa, would lead him to conclude that the revolution was stalled at the ballot box. He would be devastated to see that for many, “liberation” has been redefined as the ability to consume like the oppressor, to own the same luxury German cars, live in the same gated suburbs, and send children to schools that still prioritise Eurocentric curricula. To Biko, If you are still using the oppressor’s yardstick to measure your success, you are still mentally occupied. Steve Biko would also see a psychological stagnation in how labour is still structured. Even with a Black government, the fundamental relationship of the Black servant to the White corporate master persists in the economy. Biko wanted a Black man who could stand upright and look the world in the eye; he would likely find that the crouched posture of economic dependency remains the default for millions of natives. Biko’s greatest fear was that Black people would win the country but lose their souls to the belief that they are naturally inferior in the realm of governance. His fear has come true.

イタリアのファシスト刑務所で、アントニオ・グラムシは一つの逆説に直面していた。なぜ労働者たちは自分たちを搾取する体制に自ら同意するのか。 伝統的な権力論は「警察と軍隊が人々を従わせている」と答える。しかしグラムシは見抜いた。本当に強力な権力は見えない。 学校、メディア、宗教、家族という日常の中に潜み、「これが自然なことだ」と人々に思い込ませる仕組みこそが本質だと。 これをグラムシは「文化ヘゲモニー」と呼んだ。支配階級は暴力ではなく、知的・道徳的リーダーシップによって大衆の「自発的な同意」を獲得する。特定の階級の利益を「国民全体の利益」に見せかける物語を、教育や報道を通じて浸透させるのだ。 この理論の核心は「統合的国家」という概念にある。国家とは政治社会（警察や軍隊）と市民社会（学校や教会、メディア）の総体だ。暴力装置は背後に控えつつ、日常的に機能するのは同意を生産する市民社会の側である。 この同意の心理的メカニズムを解く鍵が、「コモン・センス」と「グッド・センス」の区別である。 コモン・センスとは、支配階級の世界観が長年の伝統や格言として染み込んだ、無批判な現実認識のこと。「給料が上がらないのは景気のせいだから仕方ない」「いじめられる方にも原因があるんじゃないか」――こうした信念は、支配への同意を内部から支える。 これに対してグッド・センスとは、労働や生活の現場から生まれる批判的で実践的な知恵である。「時間厳守でサービス残業はおかしい」「週5フルタイムで働いてるのに生活不安」。これらはまだバラバラだが、本質的に支配の論理と矛盾する。 ヘゲモニーとは、このグッド・センスをコモン・センスの中に封じ込め、人々が自らの矛盾した意識のまま行動し続けるように仕向けるプロセスに他ならない。 ここでグラムシの戦略論が生きてくる。「機動戦」と「陣地戦」の区別だ。ロシア革命のような機動戦は、市民社会が未発達で国家が裸の暴力で立つ社会でのみ有効である。西欧では市民社会（学校、メディア、教会など）が強固に機能しており、その機能は現在、支配階級への同意を日々生産する方向に働いている。 必要なのは「陣地戦」である。教育、メディア、宗教、文化といった市民社会の各要塞を、何年もかけて一つずつ奪取していく長期的な闘争。これは選挙やストライキではなく、人々の「良識」を組織し、新たな「コモン・センス」を構築する文化活動である。 現代のネオリベラリズムはこの理論の完璧な実例だ。市場原理は「競争が唯一の合理的な原理である」というコモン・センスを世界中に普及させた。人々は市民ではなく「自己責任の起業家」となり、失業や貧困を個人の失敗と感じる。「これ以外に選択肢はない」という発想そのものがヘゲモニーの勝利である。 デジタル時代はこの構造をさらに精緻化した。アルゴリズムは「新しい有機的知識人」として機能する。私たちの関心や不安を学習し、パーソナライズされた現実を提示することで、同意を自動的に製造する。フィルターバブルは大衆を分断し、「共通の国民的意志」の形成を妨げる。 しかし希望はある。グラムシは「対抗ヘゲモニー」の可能性を説いた。支配階級が自らの有機的知識人（経営者、技術者、ジャーナリスト）を持つように、従属階級もまた大衆から生まれる有機的知識人を育てねばならない。 彼らは学校なきところで学校を創り、メディアなきところでメディアを運営し、いまあるコモン・センスを解体する別の語彙を生み出す。これが「近代的君主」すなわち革命的集団の役割である。単なる抗議ではなく、新しい道徳的・知的リーダーシップを社会に提供する文化事業として。 結局、権力の最も深い場所はバリケードではなく、私たちの頭の中にある。ある社会秩序が「当然」と思われる瞬間、その秩序は勝っている。逆に言えば、その「当然」が揺らぐとき、歴史は動き出す。グラムシが刑務所で書き続けたのは、まさにその「当然」を解体するための思考の道具だった。 — Douglas C. Youvan（研究者） 『The Architecture of Consent: A Comprehensive Analysis of Antonio Gramsci's Theory of Cultural Hegemony, Intellectual Leadership and Modern Power Structures』 （同意の建築：アントニオ・グラムシの文化ヘゲモニー理論、知的リーダーシップ、現代権力構造の包括的分析） researchgate.net/publication…

True story. According to prof. Kim Chang Ryol, pornography is a major tool in the “animalization of man” and destruction of human morality, sense of meaning and collective ethos under late capitalism, paving the way for misanthropic violence and imperialist war.

To put it simply, Kelly: The West sabotages countries that threaten the extraction. Singapore had nothing to extract. The West sabotages countries that inspire dangerous ideas about structural change. Singapore's model is not replicable at scale and Lee Kuan Yew was careful to never frame it as a universal template for the Global South. The West sabotages countries whose leaders build coalitions across the developing world that could collectively challenge the rules of the system. Lee Kuan Yew built no such coalition. He was famously contemptuous of Third World solidarity movements and non-aligned politics. Remove yourself as a threat on all three dimensions simultaneously and you get room to operate. The cost of that room is that you are not a threat on all three dimensions simultaneously. Singapore got its developmental state. It did not get, and did not try to get, a world in which other countries could also build one. That is the price Lee Kuan Yew paid for the West's tolerance. Whether it was worth it is a question Singapore never had to answer. The countries that tried to answer it differently paid a very different price.

1. Open VLC and go to Browse. 2. Click on Open Network Stream. 3. Download m3u files of your choice from github.com/iptv-org/iptv and paste into the VLC Open Network Stream and it will load thousands of publicly available internet protocol television.

As I was saying, Prof. Gifford did an extensive survey of Christianity in Cameroon, and what he found was a Christianity that fights over the same things politicians fight over. It is a thoroughly ethnic church. This shameful fight is not new. It happened in Douala.

I wouldn't be exaggerating to say that this book was life-changing Perspective is everything when it comes to history, and this book is all you need for an introduction to African history from an African perspective

Et si l’Europe, en colonisant le monde, s’était aussi abîmée elle-même ? Et si le travail de décolonisation commençait d’abord à l’intérieur, dans notre regard, dans nos mots, dans nos habitudes de pensée ? Voilà les questions que pose Aimé Césaire dans son Discours sur le colonialisme. En transformant les peuples en objets, les terres en butin, l’Europe s’est ensauvagée. Première leçon de ce texte : une civilisation se juge à la manière dont elle traite ceux qu’elle pourrait vouloir écraser. Deuxième leçon : la langue est un champ de bataille. Césaire s’attaque aux mots qui anesthésient, comme ces « missions civilisatrices » qui, en réalité, sont une entreprise méthodique de déshumanisation. Il nous impose une discipline de fer : nommer avec justesse. Car mal nommer l’inacceptable, c’est lui permettre de s’accomplir sous le couvert de la respectabilité. Troisième leçon : l’universel n’est pas un masque à géométrie variable. Il n’existe pas de droits de l’homme qui s’arrêtent aux frontières ou à la couleur de peau. Accepter que certains soient « moins humains » que d’autres, c’est permettre la destruction de l’édifice entier de notre dignité. La quatrième leçon, enfin, c’est que l’indifférence est une complicité. Le colonialisme prospère dans l’habitude et le confort des consciences qui s’accommodent de la souffrance lointaine. Dès que la vie de l’autre devient une statistique ou un « dossier », nous préparons le lit des barbaries futures. Lire Césaire aujourd’hui est un acte de vigilance absolue : c’est refuser la chosification sous toutes ses formes, qu’elles soient économiques ou sécuritaires, et tenir l’humanité entière pour seule mesure afin de ne plus jamais laisser la force devenir la loi.

RT @nyeusi_waasi: "Western culture was, at its core, individualistic and democratic and liberty-minded and tolerant and progressive and rat…