The House Faces Its Churchill vs. Chamberlain Moment on Russia
Last week I stood in Kyiv among burned-out Russian tanks, where Ukrainian officials walked me through how the war is going. The news from the front lines is mixed. Ukrainian forces have fought Russia to a standstill on the ground, and Russia is paying a much higher price in troops and equipment than Ukraine is. Since Putin cannot win that fight, he has turned to terror instead, bombing grocery stores, shopping malls and gas stations to break Ukraine's economy and its people's will. Stopping that kind of attack depends on air defenses. For every four ballistic missiles Russia builds, we are producing only one Patriot interceptor to shoot them down. That gap will not close on its own. Cutting off the money that pays for those missiles is one of the few tools we have to help close it.
The Senate has already made its choice, overwhelmingly passing the Lindsey O. Graham Sanctioning Russia Act last month with bipartisan support. This week, the House faces the same question. Ukraine is a democracy with free markets and the rule of law, invaded without provocation by a dictator who poisons his rivals, throws his enemies off rooftops, and is trying to erase an entire country's right to exist. Are we going to stand with good, or are we going to stand with evil? That should not be a hard question. It only gets hard for people who say they support Ukraine right up until a vote actually counts, and that vote is expected this week.
My party has always said we believe in peace through strength, the doctrine Reagan used to outlast the Soviet Union, and this bill is the chance to prove we still believe it. President Trump has wavered on this war before, but on this bill, he is finally on the right side, and this Congress should not waste that. Passing it gives him the leverage he needs to end a war he has said he wants to end. That leverage disappears if the House lets this bill die, and Putin will read it the same way he reads every act of American hesitation, as proof he can wait us out.
His ambitions do not stop at Ukraine's border. He is already threatening Moldova and the Baltic states, and a Russian victory here would embolden China, Iran and North Korea to test the same theory against their own neighbors. That is not a risk this Congress should be willing to take.
This bill is how Congress answers that risk. It sanctions the Russian officials and banks financing this war, along with the shadow fleet of tankers helping Russia evade oil sanctions, and it goes after the money directly funding it. It authorizes tariffs of up to 100 percent on the five largest importers of Russian crude oil, the five largest importers of Russian natural gas, and countries most responsible for helping Russia evade these sanctions, while allowing the president to waive them if he certifies to Congress that doing so serves the national interest. Putin's illegal war is failing, but he will not choose peace until the cost becomes too high for Russia and everyone helping to fund his brutality.
This bill carries Lindsey Graham's name because he earned it. He was one of Congress's clearest voices for Ukraine, and he spent more than a year building this sanctions package and securing the White House's support for it before he died without seeing it become law. The best tribute Congress can give him now is to finish what he started.
Some of my Democrat colleagues are hesitant because of this bill's tariff authority, and I understand why. Article I, Section 8 of the Constitution explicitly gives tariff power to Congress, not the president alone, and I have spent more than a year arguing that broad, unilateral tariffs are bad for American consumers and businesses. In February, the Supreme Court agreed that the specific emergency powers law the president had cited did not actually authorize the tariffs he imposed under it. Congress, not any one president, is supposed to make these calls.
This bill puts that authority back where it belongs. It is Congress itself writing tariff authority into law, with defined targets, reporting requirements and presidential waiver authority built in by Congress, not claimed by a president acting alone. Senator Richard Blumenthal, a Democrat, spent months negotiating those terms with the White House and lawmakers in both parties before this bill passed the Senate. Choking off the money funding a war of conquest in Europe is exactly what that authority should be used for, and Congress deciding to do that is Congress doing its constitutional job.
Every day this bill waits is a day Putin spends buying more missiles with money we could be cutting off right now. The House will likely not be back in session until November, and there is no guarantee this exact window opens again after that. Don't let perfection be the enemy of the good, a point President Zelensky has made about this same bill. The House has the chance to take clear, bipartisan action against Putin this week, and it should take it.
This is a Churchill versus Chamberlain moment. By God, I am choosing Churchill, and the House had better choose Churchill too. History does not remember kindly those who choose Chamberlain.