Minnesota is importing poverty and calling it compassion. The Census data: Somali-headed households vs. native-headed (CIS analysis, 2014-2023 American Community Survey): - Any welfare: 81% vs 21% - Medicaid: 73% vs 18% - Food stamps: 54% vs 7% - Cash aid: 27% vs 6% - With children, any welfare: 89% Adults in poverty: 37.5% vs 6.9%. Children: 52.3% vs 7.6%. 39% of working-age adults have no high school diploma. 58% do not speak English very well. It is not closing. After 10+ years here, adult poverty is still 32.9%, 49% still lack strong English, and welfare use is barely lower. The ledger. Somali Minnesotans earn about $500 million a year and pay $67 million in state and local taxes (economist Bruce Corrie). Add federal payroll tax, subtract refundable credits: about $100 million in total taxes, by my estimate. Against that: Medicaid $185-345 million, food stamps $45-65 million, cash aid $30-40 million. That is $260-450 million a year, plus about $375 million for K-12. Three to four dollars out for every dollar in, before schools. The fraud. Feeding Our Future: 80 indicted, 69 convicted, $250-350 million stolen from a children's meal program, $75 million recovered. Most defendants were Somali American. Federal prosecutor Joe Thompson estimates half or more of $18 billion billed through 14 Medicaid programs since 2018 may be fraudulent, across all providers. The state disputes it. The security record. Since 2007, more than 30 Somali Minnesotans have left or tried to leave for al-Shabaab or ISIS, from a community of about 84,000. Per capita, hundreds of times the rate of terrorism cases in the rest of the state. The ask. A net fiscal accounting from the state, which has never published one, and a resettlement policy judged on results: English, diplomas, wages, self-sufficiency within 10 years. Anything less is not compassion. Sources: CIS (Dec. 2025); KSTP 12/4/25; DOJ; Minnesota Reformer 12/18/25; AP 12/3/25; cost and tax estimates are the author's

Minnesota is importing poverty and calling it compassion. The Census data: Somali-headed households vs. native-headed (CIS analysis, 2014-2023 American Community Survey): - Any welfare: 81% vs 21% - Medicaid: 73% vs 18% - Food stamps: 54% vs 7% - Cash aid: 27% vs 6% - With children, any welfare: 89% Adults in poverty: 37.5% vs 6.9%. Children: 52.3% vs 7.6%. 39% of working-age adults have no high school diploma. 58% do not speak English very well. It is not closing. After 10+ years here, adult poverty is still 32.9%, 49% still lack strong English, and welfare use is barely lower. The ledger. Somali Minnesotans earn about $500 million a year and pay $67 million in state and local taxes (economist Bruce Corrie). Add federal payroll tax, subtract refundable credits: about $100 million in total taxes, by my estimate. Against that: Medicaid $185-345 million, food stamps $45-65 million, cash aid $30-40 million. That is $260-450 million a year, plus about $375 million for K-12. Three to four dollars out for every dollar in, before schools. The fraud. Feeding Our Future: 80 indicted, 69 convicted, $250-350 million stolen from a children's meal program, $75 million recovered. Most defendants were Somali American. Federal prosecutor Joe Thompson estimates half or more of $18 billion billed through 14 Medicaid programs since 2018 may be fraudulent, across all providers. The state disputes it. The security record. Since 2007, more than 30 Somali Minnesotans have left or tried to leave for al-Shabaab or ISIS, from a community of about 84,000. Per capita, hundreds of times the rate of terrorism cases in the rest of the state. The ask. A net fiscal accounting from the state, which has never published one, and a resettlement policy judged on results: English, diplomas, wages, self-sufficiency within 10 years. Anything less is not compassion. Sources: CIS (Dec. 2025); KSTP 12/4/25; DOJ; Minnesota Reformer 12/18/25; AP 12/3/25; cost and tax estimates are the author's

Minnesota does not have a gun-law problem. It has a gun-prosecution problem. State law says a felon caught with a firearm gets five years in prison. Mandatory. Here is what the state's own Sentencing Guidelines Commission says actually happens. Statewide, July 2024 to June 2025: - 1,632 firearm cases reported by county attorneys - 149 never charged - 315 charged, then dismissed - 191 pleaded to offenses with no mandatory minimum - 801 convicted with the gun proven on the record - 472 got the mandatory sentence That is 29 of every 100. Of the 329 waivers, prosecutors asked for 183. Judges did the other 146 on their own. Hennepin County, 41% of the state's caseload: - 672 charged - 151 dismissed - 204 got the minimum 30 of every 100. Then it got worse. Since October 15, 2025, Mary Moriarty's office will not prosecute felonies found on stops for expired tabs or a broken taillight, guns included, unless a supervisor approves an exception. The Sheriff says 175 of the 377 illegal guns her deputies seized in 2025 came from traffic stops. To be fair, this is not only Hennepin. Anoka imposed the minimum in 43% of proven cases. Ramsey managed 67%. And the waiver is legal: the Legislature wrote it in. That is the point. "Mandatory" means nothing when the people enforcing it treat it as a suggestion. Who pays? In 2023, 59% of those sentenced as felons with guns were Black. So are the victims: Black men 15 to 34 are 1.2% of Minnesotans and 40% of gun homicide victims. Every waived sentence sends an armed felon back to the same blocks. St. Paul shows the alternative. It built a dedicated non-fatal shooting unit with its own prosecutor and cleared all 15 of its 2025 homicides. Before the Capitol writes another registry bill for people who follow the law, ask why seven in ten gun cases end without the sentence the law already requires. Sources: MSGC 2026 Report to the Legislature, pp. 37-42; MSGC 2023 Annual Summary; KSTP 9/19/25

Three years ago they told you Starship was “another failure,” Colossus was impossible, and Musk was the villain. Today SPCX listed on the Nasdaq: $75 billion raised — the largest IPO in human history — at a $1.77 trillion valuation. Seventh-biggest company in America. 80% of U.S. launches. Starlink in 160 countries. WSJ and Bloomberg quietly rewrote their “failure” headlines. Maddow’s jokes aged like milk. And the socialists who spent years calling him an oligarch? Musk reserved up to 30% of history’s biggest IPO for ordinary retail investors — triple the Wall Street norm. The media gaslit you. The socialists ran the envy play. The “failure” became the most valuable industrial company in American history — and regular Americans got the biggest seat at the table Wall Street ever offered. Remember this the next time they tell you what can’t be done and who the villains are. #SPCX

Three years ago they told you Starship was “another failure,” Colossus was impossible, and Musk was the villain. Today SPCX listed on the Nasdaq: $75 billion raised — the largest IPO in human history — at a $1.77 trillion valuation. Seventh-biggest company in America. 80% of U.S. launches. Starlink in 160 countries. WSJ and Bloomberg quietly rewrote their “failure” headlines. Maddow’s jokes aged like milk. And the socialists who spent years calling him an oligarch? Musk reserved up to 30% of history’s biggest IPO for ordinary retail investors — triple the Wall Street norm. The media gaslit you. The socialists ran the envy play. The “failure” became the most valuable industrial company in American history — and regular Americans got the biggest seat at the table Wall Street ever offered. Remember this the next time they tell you what can’t be done and who the villains are. #SPCX

Tim Walz inherited an $18 billion surplus. Here is what he did with it. He spent the entire surplus. He raised taxes by roughly $10 billion — a new payroll tax on every worker and employer, GILTI corporate taxation most states rejected, a higher motor vehicle sales tax, a 50-cent retail delivery fee, and a 1% surtax on investment income. He grew the state budget by nearly 40 percent to over $70 billion, the largest in state history. He spent $730 million on a new legislative office building. Two years later, Minnesota faces a projected $6 billion deficit for 2028-29 per Minnesota Management and Budget. Eighteen billion in surplus to six billion in the hole. What did the spending buy? Crime: Minnesota was one of the only states in the nation where gun deaths rose in 2024 while the national rate fell 12 percent. Minneapolis homicides peaked at 97 in 2021. The documented Medicaid and child-nutrition fraud under his administration approaches $1 billion, with the state’s own Legislative Auditor confirming enforcement was paralyzed by fear of “racial discrimination accusations.” Education: Minnesota spends over $14,000 per pupil. Mississippi spends roughly $11,000 and passed Minnesota in 4th-grade NAEP reading by mandating the science of reading and ending social promotion. Minnesota reading and math proficiency declined across the same period the budget grew 40 percent. More money, worse outcomes. This is the record. Highest taxes, rising crime, declining schools, billion-dollar fraud, and a $6 billion deficit — built from an $18 billion surplus in four years. Walz didn’t lead Minnesota. He spent it into a hole and blamed Washington. #mnleg

Senator Klobuchar, the SAVE Act requires documentary proof of U.S. citizenship to register to vote in federal elections. Driver’s license, passport, birth certificate, naturalization papers. The same documents required to board a plane, open a bank account, get a job, or buy a beer. If presenting ID to vote “strips Americans of their right to vote,” explain why 36 states already require voter ID without disenfranchising anyone. Explain why every developed democracy on earth requires citizenship verification to vote. Explain why protecting the franchise from non-citizen votes is “an attack on democracy” rather than a defense of it. You are not protecting democracy. You are protecting a coalition that depends on uncertain voter rolls. #mnleg

Your tax dollars hard at work. THE UNION MONEY PIPELINE. In the 2021-22 cycle alone, the four largest public-sector unions (NEA, AFT, AFSCME, SEIU) spent $13.2M on Minnesota state politics — third-highest in the nation behind Illinois and California. Education Minnesota’s PAC alone gave $1.9M to DFL caucuses in a single 2022 reporting window: $513K each to House and Senate DFL caucuses, $900K to the State Central Committee. $25 of every Education Minnesota member’s annual dues auto-funnels to the PAC unless members proactively opt out. Public-sector union dues to PAC to DFL caucuses to legislation favorable to public-sector unions to recurring obligations paid by taxpayers who are not at the bargaining table. Closed feedback loop.

Senator Klobuchar, the 564 number deserves an honest breakdown. Stop the gaslighting. Of 564 gun deaths in Minnesota in 2024 per the MN Department of Health and Protect Minnesota’s own analysis: 406 were suicides (72%), 148 were homicides (26%). 60% of those suicides occurred in Greater Minnesota — rural Minnesota the proposed gun-control bills do not address. 61% of suicide victims were over age 45. 90% were white males. Veterans accounted for 14.5%. Of the 148 homicides, the majority occurred in the seven-county metro core in specific Minneapolis and St. Paul neighborhoods. Per Johns Hopkins CGVS analyzing CDC WONDER: young Black males 15-34 are 1.2% of Minnesota’s population but 40% of gun homicide deaths. The weapon is handguns, not AR-pattern rifles. The shooters are predominantly known to victims through gang, drug, or community-conflict networks. Now the cases you cited. Annunciation (August 2025). Shooter Robin Westman passed background checks. Minnesota’s ERPO law was in effect since January 2024. No petition was filed. The legal infrastructure existed. The community surveillance failed. SF 4067 does not address this. Hortman killings (June 2025). Vance Boelter was an evangelical pastor with documented warning signs, no felony record, who legally purchased firearms. He impersonated a police officer to gain access. The murder was political assassination, not gun-availability. SF 4067 does not address this. Real solutions: ERPO petition infrastructure with family awareness and prosecutor outreach. Mandatory minimums for crimes with firearms — which prior-biennium HF 4277 from Sen. Mohamed and Rep. Frazier would have eliminated. Prosecution of the 175 of 377 illegal firearms Hennepin declined to charge in 2025 under Moriarty’s traffic-stop policy. Federal partnership on auto-sear and ghost-gun enforcement. Common-sense gun legislation means enforcing existing law against the actual perpetrators of actual gun violence — not building registration databases for law-abiding rural and exurban Minnesotans whose firearms were not used in any of the cases you cited. Stop the gaslighting. The data does not support your framing. Sources: MN Department of Health, Protect Minnesota 2024 Fact Sheet, Johns Hopkins CGVS Minnesota report, MN Senate vote records SF 4067, Hennepin County Sheriff data. #mnleg

Walz blaming Trump for HCMC’s collapse is misdirection. The record says otherwise. HCMC has lost money on operations 7 of the last 8 years per Star Tribune — before Trump’s second term began. Projected 2026 operating loss: $50M. Projected losses over the next decade: up to $1.7B. Three CEOs in 18 months. DeCubellis resigned March 2025. Klemond interim through January 2026. Croston resigned April 2026 after four months. Hennepin County dissolved the independent board in August 2025 because governance had collapsed. HCMC’s own executives blame uncompensated care — patients in the ED who cannot pay. Hennepin Healthcare’s own newsroom statement reassures undocumented immigrants the hospital will not coordinate with ICE. The county chose to be a destination for uncompensated emergency care while complaining the bills cannot be paid. Minnesota’s documented Medicaid fraud — $250M+ Feeding Our Future, $220M autism, $302M housing stabilization — approaches $1B. MN Legislative Auditor (June 2024) confirmed MDE enforcement was paralyzed by “fears of lawsuits, accusations of racial discrimination, and negative public scrutiny.” Every stolen dollar is a dollar not available for HCMC. The proposed fix: increase a Hennepin County sales tax from 0.15% to 1% — a 567% increase — redirected from its original Target Field purpose to bail out the hospital. THE STRUCTURAL POINT. HCMC’s crisis is the predictable result of DFL-controlled county governance failure, Walz administration enforcement paralysis on Medicaid fraud, a sanctuary policy posture that absorbs uncompensated emergency care, and rejection of work requirements that would protect program integrity. Blaming Trump is misdirection. The crisis was built locally over a decade. Walz is balking instead of leading. Sources: Star Tribune, Hennepin Healthcare newsroom, MN OLA report, USAO-MN, MPR News, KARE 11. #mnleg

Maggiy Emery, Executive Director of Protect Minnesota, told the Star Tribune that exurban gun-rights voters “were already lost a long time ago” — too small, too written off to bother with. The actual numbers say otherwise. MINNESOTA GUN OWNERSHIP. Approximately 49 percent of Minnesota adults own at least one firearm per SurveyUSA polling. That is roughly 2.3 million adult gun owners in a state of 5.7 million. Not a “very small percentage.” A near-majority of the adult population. PERMIT TO CARRY HOLDERS. As of early 2026, Minnesota had nearly 400,000 active permit-to-carry holders per BCA data — a 270 percent increase since 2010. These are not fringe voters. They are working Minnesotans who completed background checks, paid fees, and demonstrated training to exercise a constitutional right. THE EXURBAN MATH EMERY IGNORES. Anoka, Carver, Sherburne, Wright, Scott, Chisago, and Isanti counties — the exurban ring she dismissed — delivered 540,000+ votes in 2022. These counties went Republican by 12-25 point margins. They contain a substantial share of Minnesota’s permit holders, deer hunters, sportsmen, veterans, and farmers. Writing them off is not strategy. It is admission that her coalition cannot persuade them and has chosen to legislate around them instead. THE LEGISLATIVE RECORD. SF 4067 — Sen. Zaynab Mohamed’s AR-pattern firearm registration bill — passed the Senate 34-33 and died in the 67-67 House. SF 3655, Mohamed’s first bill of the session, would have banned possession outright with up to 5 years in prison. HF 4277, Mohamed’s prior-biennium bill with Rep. Frazier, would have eliminated mandatory minimums for crimes committed with firearms. The same legislator pushed three bills: register the law-abiding, ban the law-abiding, reduce sentences for criminal gun use. Every one of them lost or died. Emery’s coalition lost this session. They lost because the legislative math did not support their position, not because gun owners are too small to matter. THE STRUCTURAL POINT. The “small percentage” framing is the institutional-capture coalition talking itself into its own bubble. Protect Minnesota is funded by Bloomberg-aligned philanthropy and operates within the Johns Hopkins / Everytown / Brady advocacy network operating across multiple states. Their internal polling, talking points, and strategy memos all use the same framing: gun owners are an aging, shrinking, exurban, electorally unimportant constituency that can be safely ignored. The nearly 400,000 active permit holders, the 49 percent of Minnesotans who own at least one firearm, the 540,000+ exurban voters Emery dismissed, the 33 senators who voted against SF 4067, and the House Republicans who held the 67-67 line on her agenda all suggest she is wrong about the math. THE NOVEMBER POINT. The 2026 House elections will be decided in roughly 15-20 swing districts. Many of those districts contain significant exurban and rural populations Emery describes as “already lost.” If she is correct, her coalition will lose those districts anyway. If she is wrong — and the gun-owning population mobilizes in numbers proportional to its actual size — the coalition that pushed SF 4067 will discover the cost of writing off a quarter of the state’s adult population. The DFL coalition lost on guns this session because the votes were not there. The November question is whether the voters who held the line in 2026 will show up in numbers Emery did not expect. Sources: Star Tribune (May 2026), SurveyUSA Minnesota gun ownership polling, MN BCA permit-to-carry data, MN Senate vote record SF 4067. #mnleg

Your tax dollars hard at work. THE UNION MONEY PIPELINE. In the 2021-22 cycle alone, the four largest public-sector unions (NEA, AFT, AFSCME, SEIU) spent $13.2M on Minnesota state politics — third-highest in the nation behind Illinois and California. Education Minnesota’s PAC alone gave $1.9M to DFL caucuses in a single 2022 reporting window: $513K each to House and Senate DFL caucuses, $900K to the State Central Committee. $25 of every Education Minnesota member’s annual dues auto-funnels to the PAC unless members proactively opt out. Public-sector union dues to PAC to DFL caucuses to legislation favorable to public-sector unions to recurring obligations paid by taxpayers who are not at the bargaining table. Closed feedback loop.

Matt — your tweet contains four false or misleading claims. Each one, sourced to primary documents. CLAIM 1: “128,000 of MN’s oldest, most disabled, and in-need.” False. The 128,000 figure is from the Minnesota DHS Supplemental Budget Book (March 2026). It represents Minnesotans who do NOT qualify for the federal H.R. 1 exemptions. Exemptions cover children, pregnant women, the elderly (65+), the medically frail, full-time caretakers, people in substance abuse treatment, the incarcerated, and people with disabilities. The 128,000 are by definition working-age, able-bodied, non-caretaker adults. Your framing inverts the actual demographic. CLAIM 2: “What did they do to deserve losing their Medicaid? Nothing.” False. The federal requirement is 80 hours per month of work, training, or qualifying community service — 20 hours per week, half-time employment for an able-bodied adult. Asking able-bodied working-age adults receiving taxpayer-funded healthcare to demonstrate 20 hours per week of productive activity is not punishment. It is the baseline social contract that has existed in TANF/MFIP since the 1996 Clinton welfare reform, which produced the largest reduction in child poverty in American history. CLAIM 3: “They’re doing it to give billions in tax breaks to mega-corporations and the ultra-rich.” Misleading. H.R. 1 contains both work requirements and tax provisions. They are not causally linked. Medicaid work requirements have been proposed by both parties since the 1990s and adopted in Arkansas, Georgia, and elsewhere under both Republican and Democratic governors. The work requirement stands or falls on its own merits regardless of the rest of the bill. CLAIM 4: “Our rural hospital systems may collapse under the strain.” False as stated. Rural hospital financial pressures predate H.R. 1 by a decade. Drivers: declining rural populations, Medicare reimbursement below cost, administrative bloat, hospital system consolidation, and the 2010 ACA’s hospital readmissions penalties. CD2 rural hospitals that have struggled closed or restructured years before H.R. 1 passed. The framing is campaign messaging, not analysis. THE STRUCTURAL POINT. You are running for Congress in a swing district from the DFL line. The political incentive to frame work requirements as cruelty to the disabled is obvious. The empirical reality is that you are defending a regime in which able-bodied working-age adults receive taxpayer-funded healthcare with zero work, training, or community service requirement, while every working family in CD2 pays the taxes that fund it. Minnesota’s documented Medicaid fraud — $250M+ Feeding Our Future, $220M autism Medicaid, $302M housing stabilization, all federally indicted — happened under the institutional regime your party built. The Walz administration’s MDE enforcement was paralyzed by what the Minnesota Legislative Auditor called “fears of lawsuits, accusations of racial discrimination, and negative public scrutiny.” A billion dollars of taxpayer money documented as stolen, and the DFL response is to fight work requirements that would protect program integrity. Reform protects the system. Your framing protects the political coalition. If you cannot defend 80 hours per month of expectation from able-bodied taxpayer-funded benefit recipients, you are not running on principles. You are running on coalition protection. Sources: mn.gov/dhs, auditor.leg.state.mn.us, justice.gov/usao-mn #mnleg #MN02

THE UNION MONEY PIPELINE. In the 2021-22 cycle alone, the four largest public-sector unions (NEA, AFT, AFSCME, SEIU) spent $13.2M on Minnesota state politics — third-highest in the nation behind Illinois and California. Education Minnesota’s PAC alone gave $1.9M to DFL caucuses in a single 2022 reporting window: $513K each to House and Senate DFL caucuses, $900K to the State Central Committee. $25 of every Education Minnesota member’s annual dues auto-funnels to the PAC unless members proactively opt out. Public-sector union dues to PAC to DFL caucuses to legislation favorable to public-sector unions to recurring obligations paid by taxpayers who are not at the bargaining table. Closed feedback loop.

.@mngop You did your job during this legislative session. You stopped a unconstitutional gun grab by the .@MinnesotaDFL. Along with not giving taxpayers money for the problems caused by the lack of cooperation during Operation Metro Surge also caused by the DFL. @MinnesotaMiners

Johns Hopkins Center for Gun Violence Solutions just released a “Public Carry Permitting Model Policy Guide” (April 2026). It is presented as academic research. It is institutional capture in operation. WHAT IT ACTUALLY IS. Bloomberg-aligned philanthropy (Morningstar Foundation funded) produces policy templates through a Johns Hopkins-branded center. Lead authors are JD/MPH credentials — lawyers and advocates, not empirical researchers. Josh Horwitz ran the Coalition to Stop Gun Violence before joining the center. The document’s own page 4 describes its audience as “advocates and policymakers.” The institution’s stated tools include “legal and policy advocacy.” This is advocacy through academic laundering. THE CHERRY-PICKING. The document presents 10 empirical claims about “shall issue” and permitless carry as settled science. Eight of ten trace to the same research network — Doucette, McCourt, Crifasi, Webster (all Hopkins center personnel) and Donohue (the leading academic opponent of concealed-carry liberalization). The document does not cite Lott, Mustard, Mauser, Moody, or any researcher whose work contradicts the conclusions. It does not engage with the RAND Corporation gun-policy review, the most rigorous methodological synthesis available, which classifies the evidence for most permitting policies as “limited” or “inconclusive.” The Lundstrom West Virginia “29% higher firearm mortality” claim compares 1999-2015 to 2016-2020 without controlling for the COVID-era nationwide crime spike that affected every state regardless of gun law. One side of a contested academic debate is presented as established science. That is not research. That is advocacy. THE BRUEN PROBLEM. The Supreme Court’s 2022 Bruen decision requires gun regulations to have founding-era or Reconstruction-era historical analogues. The Hopkins document acknowledges Bruen exists, then proceeds to make 30 recommendations without evaluating any of them against the constitutional standard. Mandatory live-fire qualification scores, mandatory 80%+ written exam scores, state biometric retention of fingerprints, mandatory race-and-sex data collection on every applicant, five-year full re-testing, refusal of reciprocity with other states, and expansion of “sensitive places” restrictions are all recommended without constitutional analysis. The document treats Bruen as a constraint to work around rather than a legal framework to operate within. THE DISARMAMENT-VERSUS-ENFORCEMENT FRAMING. Every recommendation in the document targets law-abiding citizens applying for permits. None target the actual mechanism of American gun violence. Hennepin County declines to charge 47 percent of illegally-possessed firearms seized from traffic stops. Minnesota’s own Legislative Auditor confirmed MDE fraud enforcement was paralyzed by racism-accusation fear. Federal prosecutors document the entire institutional vacuum where state prosecution should be. The Hopkins document does not propose mandatory prosecution standards, declination-memorandum transparency requirements, prosecutorial accountability for systematic non-enforcement, or any mechanism that would address the actual failure point. Instead it proposes a biometric database of every legal gun carrier and a state apparatus designed to make permit acquisition prohibitively burdensome. This is the structural choice. Disarm the law-abiding through administrative friction. Leave the prosecutorial nullification intact. The document and Mary Moriarty’s office operate in coordinated direction — one builds the regulatory burden, the other refuses to enforce the criminal law. Both are products of the same captured institutional infrastructure. The institutional capture pipeline runs from Bloomberg-aligned philanthropy through Johns Hopkins academic credentialing through advocacy templates through Education Minnesota’s lobbying through Sen. Mohamed’s caucus through Minnesota state law.

The Minnesota DFL’s gun-policy posture: This is not gun safety. This is a disarmament regime aimed at one population while the criminal class operates with state-sanctioned impunity. The state’s monopoly on legitimate force is being exercised asymmetrically by design.

The Minnesota DFL’s gun-policy posture: This is not gun safety. This is a disarmament regime aimed at one population while the criminal class operates with state-sanctioned impunity. The state’s monopoly on legitimate force is being exercised asymmetrically by design.

This chart from Nathan Honeycutt is the upstream mechanism behind every institutional capture story playing out in Minnesota today. US academic faculty, 1969 to 2022: Liberal/far left: 45% to 74% Conservative/far right: 27% to 11% Moderate: 27% to 15% The middle has collapsed. The right has been driven out. The left has consolidated to monoculture levels — and “liberal” in 2022 sits to the left of “liberal” in 1969, so the trend understates the actual ideological shift. The downstream consequences: Education schools produce K-12 teachers. Law schools produce prosecutors and judges. Journalism schools produce reporters. Public administration programs produce the agency staff that ran MDE during Feeding Our Future. Social work programs produce the welfare-state administrative apparatus. The Minnesota OLA’s 2024 finding — that MDE fraud enforcement was paralyzed by “fears of lawsuits, accusations of racial discrimination, and negative public scrutiny” — is what happens when a state administrative apparatus is staffed by graduates of institutions where 74% of faculty hold one view and 11% hold the opposing view. Mary Moriarty’s race-based plea policy is what graduates of ideologically captured law schools produce when elected on a Soros-network platform. The Minnesota fraud cases approaching $1B are not random. They are the predictable output. Breaking the capture requires bypassing the captured institutions. School choice. Prosecutorial accountability through transparent reporting. Program-integrity legislation that imposes external audit. Federal enforcement that bypasses captured state apparatus. Mississippi proved this works in education. Federal prosecutors are proving it works in Minnesota gun-crime enforcement. The model exists. The 67-67 House is the institutional check that can build the parallel accountability infrastructure before the captured institutions complete the trajectory. #mnleg

The Minnesota DFL’s gun-policy posture: Sen. Zaynab Mohamed (DFL-Minneapolis) sponsors SF 4067 to build a state firearm registration database for AR-pattern rifles in Ham Lake, Andover, and every other 32A community. Same sponsor co-authored prior-biennium HF 4277 to eliminate mandatory minimums for crimes committed with firearms. Hennepin County Attorney Mary Moriarty declines 175 of 377 illegal firearms seized from traffic stops in 2025 (47 percent). HCAO’s own report: more than one in three referred juvenile gun cases never reaches a felony charge. April 2025 race-based plea policy under DOJ civil rights investigation. Register the law-abiding. Decline to charge felons in possession. Reduce sentences for criminal gun use. Consider race in plea deals. This is not gun safety. This is a disarmament regime aimed at one population while the criminal class operates with state-sanctioned impunity. The state’s monopoly on legitimate force is being exercised asymmetrically by design. The 67-67 House is the last check. #mnleg