I am a geologist and writer doing energy-related work. Energy is the economy so that covers economics, environment, geopolitics , ecology & human behavior

Houston, Texas
Thoroughly disagree @crudeoilpeak
Replying to @aeberman12
This because of the current session of the UN General Assembly where #Iran does not want to appear as attacker
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That is a truly outdated and, therefore, ignorant statement @segmentintender Please don't waste our time.
Replying to @aeberman12
The more oil that leaves the more fees Iran can charge .
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My framework on technology @patbahn Possible? Demonstrated? Scalable? Suitable? Timely? Solar fails the last 3 tests Get a magnifying glass to find renewables on the chart. If I had broken out solar, you'd need a microscope Price is irrelevant if it can't scale & isn't suitable to need
Replying to @aeberman12
Actually if panels become cheap enough you curtail them as a variable control
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No one cares about your opinion or cute comments @brecko If you have something to contribute, let's see it. Post brain farts on someone else's feed.
Replying to @aeberman12
The conditions haven't changed and are unacceptable to both sides. Are we really going to do this "a deal is imminent" dance again? Is it Friday?
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It must be great to have a 3rd grade way of thinking about world affairs @Hakaya_Speak In case you didn't notice, pipelines get bombed. Show data, not words and opinions.
Replying to @aeberman12
Saudi built the East-West pipeline and Fujairah STS capacity for precisely this contingency. Combine that with the Gulf loading surge and the chokepoint thesis no longer holds. The volumes settle it.
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No one really cares about your opinions @mindwasher Show data if you have something to contribute.
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Is that map showing commercial flight paths or is it relevant to the war @bharatiya_atma No one can read your mind. Explanation is a good thing.
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Wouldn't it be great if the world were fair @paulmelzer ? If it makes you feel better to paint the world in black and white, enjoy the vibe. It doesn't make serious people feel better because it doesn't lead toward discussion
Replying to @aeberman12
Why tf should we believe them when they have never yet told us the truth? Only a fool would do so.
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If you have something substantial to contribute, let's see it @MoeRosh Opinions aren't worth much.
Replying to @aeberman12
As long as they can keep diesel where it is now and bond markets in the state they are I’m not sure crude and Brent fluctuations, which are manipulated too btw will be enough for them to escalate significantly. We’re paying the extra costs for the tankers anyway
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Hey, genius. You tell us @rsmccarthy If you've got something to contribute, let's see it. If not, how about listening instead of talking?
Replying to @aeberman12
Hey genius where all that oil going?
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Citrinowicz is right that a more pressured, IRGC-dominated Iran may respond to coercion with escalation rather than concession. But pressure is also one of the few forms of leverage Washington currently has—and it appears to be working. With more oil moving through Hormuz, Tehran’s strongest remaining card is increasingly the threat of renewed disruption. That makes the strategy dangerous, but not obviously mistaken. That leaves Tehran with a dangerous choice: Compromise—or try to restore leverage through disruption. The question is not whether the US strategy carries risk. It’s whether easing it would surrender the leverage that is finally beginning to work. @citrinowicz
This report is particularly important because it highlights something that is often overlooked: there is no real consensus within the GCC over how to deal with Iran. One might have expected a common threat to produce a common Gulf strategy. Instead, the current crisis is once again exposing significant differences among the Gulf states. The Saudi and Emirati approach could prove to be a dangerous gamble. The assumption appears to be that sustained external pressure, combined with growing pressure inside Iran, will eventually force Tehran to compromise. But that outcome is far from certain. Domestic pressure may not produce Iranian restraint or capitulation. It could instead encourage Tehran to take greater risks, escalate against its adversaries, and shift some of the costs of the confrontation onto the Gulf states themselves. The larger problem is that Riyadh and Abu Dhabi may still be dealing with Iran as if it were the Iran of before the war. Under Ali Khamenei, there was at least an argument that overwhelming pressure could affect Tehran’s calculations and encourage caution. But what I call “Iran 3.0” is a different system: one in which the IRGC plays a much more dominant role and a new, more radical and less experienced leadership faces enormous internal and external pressure. Under these circumstances, escalation rather than capitulation may increasingly become Tehran’s preferred response. This creates a genuine dilemma for the Gulf states. An Iran-Oman arrangement that effectively gives Tehran a significant role in the security architecture of the Strait of Hormuz would be extremely difficult for Saudi Arabia and the UAE to accept. Yet preventing Iran from gaining such a foothold also carries serious risks. Without some arrangement that gives Tehran a stake in reopening and stabilizing the Strait, the probability of further escalation could rise substantially. The policy lines are therefore understandable, but they are also extremely dangerous. Washington and its Gulf partners should be careful about assuming that additional pressure will automatically produce additional Iranian restraint. Against the Iran that is emerging from this war, pressure without a credible diplomatic off-ramp could produce exactly the opposite result. And if that happens, Saudi Arabia and the UAE may be among the first to discover that a strategy designed to contain Iran can quickly boomerang against the Gulf itself. Iran appears willing to return to a more regulated and stable framework, but only on the basis of full implementation of the existing memorandum of understanding. From Tehran’s perspective, this is not the starting point for a new negotiation; it is the baseline for restoring the previous framework. The key point is that there is little reason to assume that additional pressure, by itself, will force Iran to retreat from these core demands. Tehran seems to believe that it has already made the concessions it was prepared to make and that the next step must be implementation of what was previously agreed. This is the reality we need to confront. More pressure may increase the costs for Iran, but higher costs do not necessarily translate into greater flexibility. If Tehran concludes that Washington is trying to rewrite the understandings through coercion, the more likely Iranian response may be escalation rather than additional concessions. The choice, therefore, is not simply between pressure and diplomacy. The real question is whether there is still a viable path back to the existing framework, and, if not, how both sides intend to manage the growing risk of escalation. #IranWar‌ #iran
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I’m skeptical that the Gulf has suddenly turned against an Iran deal. Saudi Arabia and the UAE still want the war contained and shipping restored. What seems to have changed is the price they are willing to accept. Recent Houthi and infrastructure attacks have strengthened the argument for keeping pressure on Tehran until a deal provides stronger guarantees. That is a harder negotiating position—not an abandonment of diplomacy. The Gulf cannot bomb away geography. wsj.com/world/middle-east/wh…
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Peter Navarro says the U.S. will be “essentially rare-earth magnet independent” in 6–18 months—and may even become an exporter. That is extraordinarily hard to reconcile with the facts. China still dominates rare-earth refining and magnet supply chains, especially heavy rare earths. Industry experts say diversification will take years. The U.S. is making real progress. But compressing a complex industrial ecosystem into an 18-month victory lap is not analysis. It’s a slogan. Navarro’s claim is dramatically more aggressive than the underlying supply-chain reality. The U.S. is investing heavily in domestic rare-earth mining, separation and magnet manufacturing, but China still controls roughly 85% of rare-earth refining and production, with especially strong dominance in the heavy rare earths needed for high-performance permanent magnets. Reuters reported just days ago that experts expect meaningful diversification away from China to take years, not 6–18 months. There is a narrower version of Navarro’s claim that may be defensible: The U.S. could become much less vulnerable in certain defense-priority magnet supply chains as new domestic plants ramp. But “essentially rare-earth magnet independent” across the economy—and possibly exporting surplus within 18 months—is a very different proposition. Even Navarro’s own recent writing emphasizes how deep and multilayered these supply chains are. Navarro has taken political messaging to an extreme that borders on lying @annmarie
White House aide Peter Navarro tells Steve Bannon “we’ll be essentially rare earth magnet independent within 6, 12, 18 months,” may even be able to export abroad Bannon: That’s impossible Navarro: It’s not impossible
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Hormuz is no longer behaving like a chokepoint under effective Iranian control. Hormuz oil flows are now above 13.5 mb/d on a 7-day average. The biggest increase is Saudi Arabia’s Gulf loading surge. That changes the strategic picture. Iran can still attack ships, raise insurance costs and make the Strait dangerous. But danger is not the same as control. The more oil that clears Hormuz, the more Iran’s leverage shifts from blocking flows to merely imposing costs.
Latest Hormuz oil flow run shows more than 13.5 MMbpd clearing the Strait as of yesterday on a 7dma (and as regular readers will know, day-ago numbers are usually an undercount) By far the biggest rise has come from Saudi Arabia's new Gulf loadings blitz. (Data via Kpler)
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Here’s my framework for all technology @javychia Possible? Demonstrated? Scalable? Suitable? Timely? Most pass possible & demonstrated but fail the rest so not worth considering It’s a very simple filter that removes magical thinking
Replying to @aeberman12
Do you say that because it lacks the necessary calorific value? Or because it's a logistical nightmare? Thanks in advance for your feedback Sir
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What about it @WillieA82342785 Anyone who believes the BS story about Iran nuclear being remotely related to this war needs an intervention. If you believe it, you've been played.
Replying to @aeberman12
What about the nuclear weapons grade material the Israeli intelligence are saying its a thing again with activities at Pickaxe Mountain..
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Pure crap @javychia
Replying to @aeberman12
What do you think about the RDF Refuse Derived Fuel as an alternative for this industry and waste problem?
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Nonsense @hendrikjt Join the real world. I have no more interest in possible technologies than I do following Elon to Mars.

ALT Tinfoil Tin Foil Hat GIF by Big Brother

Replying to @aeberman12
Sublime and brimstone offer alternative limestone chemistries as well as electrified processing. This could in theory be powered by renewables including solar. These pathways are still early stage and might or not be suitable for developing markets. But alternatives are possible
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Read the fking post. I don't spoon feed lazy people @PechousBar66153
that's the manipulated paper market art, what about the cash price?
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Oil Prices Can’t Be Whatever We Think They Should Be @MaleehaMBCC artberman.com/blog/oil-price…
imagine we have thrown everything at the #oil market the last 2 weeks and it is only at $100/bbl. brent max.. what does that tell you?
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