I don't feel much resonance with any current political theory or large-scale political movement. They all seem deeply flawed to me, though usually in ways their internal epistemology makes unusually difficult for them to see.
More fundamentally, I am suspicious of “political capabilities research”: the search for better methods of converting latent grievances, identity cleavages, and coordination failures into organized power. Think Pol Pot, quite literally. But also Lenin’s vanguard party, fascism converting national humiliation into a totalizing coalition, Maoism identifying the peasantry as an enormous but undercoordinated political base, or modern populism turning diffuse distrust of institutions into a leader-centered movement.
The grievance need not be imaginary. Often it is completely real. The dangerous innovation is discovering a neglected partition of the human ecosystem, such as workers versus owners, rural versus urban, colonized versus colonizer, believers versus secular elites, renters versus homeowners, and then supplying that population with an ontology, an enemy, common knowledge of its numbers, and a mechanism for coordinated action. An ideology is simultaneously a world-model and a coalition-building technology.
Quite akin to an agent swarm, the resulting political group can acquire power and interests of its own, distinct from those of both its members and its enemies. It may harm the outgroup through repression while harming the ingroup through conscription, purity spirals, censorship, economic sacrifice, and demands for loyalty. Once the coalition exists, its revealed objective often shifts from advancing the welfare of its constituents to preserving and expanding the coalition itself. This is the political capability externality.
Cynicism aside, the typical pattern in political innovation does seem to involve searching for a kind of power arbitrage: finding people whose preferences are important but poorly coordinated, then organizing them into a political force more aligned with the interests and aesthetics of the framework’s creator. Sometimes this produces genuine liberation. But even then, the movement’s model of reality has been selected partly for its ability to recruit, coordinate, and defeat rivals, not merely for being true.
No political movement I know of seems aware of its own selection effects, epistemic distortions, and emergent power-seeking tendencies to anything like the degree that would make me comfortable entrusting it with the future.
The fragile and apparently declining international equilibrium of overlapping powers, jurisdictions, institutions, and cultures therefore seems important to preserve. It is inefficient, hypocritical, and frequently terrible. But it at least prevents any one political ontology from obtaining irreversible control over the whole future. It leaves ecological niches in which alternative values and ways of life can survive. More importantly, it preserves the possibility that Team Consciousness survives our political experiments, rather than being permanently captured by whichever coalition technology happens to win first.